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In The Expectation of Justice Megan Koreman traces the experiences of three small French towns during the troubled months of the Provisional Government following the Liberation in 1944. Her descriptions of the towns' different wartime and postwar experiences contribute to a fresh depiction of ...

In The Expectation of Justice Megan Koreman traces the experiences of three small French towns during the troubled months of the Provisional Government following the Liberation in 1944. Her descriptions of the towns' different wartime and postwar experiences contribute to a fresh depiction of mid-century France and illustrate the failure of the postwar government to adequately serve the interests of justice.

As the first social history of the apres-liberation" period from the perspective of ordinary people, Koreman's study reveals how citizens of these towns expected legal, social, and honorary justice -- such as punishment for collaborators, fair food distribution, and formal commemoration of patriots, both living and dead. Although the French expected the Resistance's Provisional Government to act according to local understandings of justice, its policies often violated local sensibilities by instead pursuing national considerations. Koreman assesses both the citizens' eventual disillusionment and the social costs of the "Resistencialist myth" propagated by the de Gaulle government in an effort to hold together the fragmented postwar nation. She also suggests that the local demands for justice created by World War II were stifled by the Cold War, since many people in France feared that open opposition to the government would lead to a Communist takeover. This pattern of nationally instituted denial and suppression made it difficult for citizens to deal effectively with memories of wartime suffering and collaborationist betrayal.

This social history of memory and reconstruction will engage those interested in history, war and peace issues, contemporary Europe, and the twentiethcentury.

The Holocaust did not introduce the phenomenon of the bystander, but it did illustrate the terrible consequences of indifference and passivity towards the persecution of others. Although the term was initially applied only to the "good Germans"--the apathetic citizens who made genocide possible ...

The Holocaust did not introduce the phenomenon of the bystander, but it did illustrate the terrible consequences of indifference and passivity towards the persecution of others. Although the term was initially applied only to the "good Germans"--the apathetic citizens who made genocide possible through unquestioning obedience to evil leaders--recent Holocaust scholarship has shown that it applies to most of the world, including parts of the population in Nazi-occupied countries, some sectors within the international Christian and Jewish communities, and the Allied governments themselves. This work analyzes why this happened, drawing on the insights of historians, Holocaust survivors, and Christian and Jewish ethicists. The author argues that bystander behavior cannot be attributed to a single cause, such as anti-Semitism, but can only be understood within a complex framework of factors that shape human behavior individually, socially, and politically.

While wartime collaboration in Europe has long been the subject of scholarly attention, relatively little has been published about Chinese collaboration with Japan, largely because essential source materials were inaccessible. Recent liberalization of archival policy in China and Taiwan has made ...

While wartime collaboration in Europe has long been the subject of scholarly attention, relatively little has been published about Chinese collaboration with Japan, largely because essential source materials were inaccessible. Recent liberalization of archival policy in China and Taiwan has made possible this book, the first comprehensive treatment of Sino-Japanese collaboration over the full course of the war, at the level of both state and of society.

Collaboration on the basis of a common "greater East Asian" interest was rare since the Japanese came as conquerors acting primarily to further their own national interest. But all Chinese living in the occupied areas had to decide on the degree to which they would accommodate Japanese power -- whether political, military, or economic -- in order to carry on with their lives. Whether it was Wang Jingwei as "head of state", or Chinese capitalists in Shanghai, or town and village elites in the rural areas, all sought to defend their interests while making the necessary concessions to the Japanese presence. However, even when Chinese sought a modus operandi with the Japanese, they found that a common and equal identity of interest did not exist. Whether expressed in terms of Chinese willingness to collaborate, or Japanese willingness to accept collaboration, the limits of accommodation for both were soon reached.

The eleven essays in the volume explore the issue of collaboration from a number of vantage points. In the political sphere, essays range from the foreign policy of the Nationalist government, through the establishment of Japanese client regimes in central China, to the response of local elites in northern and central China toJapanese invasion and occupation. Essays on economic and cultural collaboration focus particularly on the workings of collaboration in Shanghai, the key economic and cultural center of occupied China.