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Women play a more visible and prominent role in politics and government in contemporary Norway than anywhere else in the world. They hold close to 50 percent of the ruling cabinet positions; are leaders of the three largest parties; constitute close to 40 percent of those who fill public corporate ...

Women play a more visible and prominent role in politics and government in contemporary Norway than anywhere else in the world. They hold close to 50 percent of the ruling cabinet positions; are leaders of the three largest parties; constitute close to 40 percent of those who fill public corporate boards, councils, and committees; hold 40 percent of parliamentary and almost 30 percent of local council seats. Upon closer examination, the Norwegian case reveals patterns of gender inequality similar to those found in the United States and other Western countries. The book focuses on what it would mean for women to attain full political equality with men in Norway and in general.

In this comprehensive history of women's antislavery petitions addressed to Congress, Susan Zaeske argues that by petitioning, women not only contributed significantly to the movement to abolish slavery but also made important strides toward securing their own rights and transforming their own ...

In this comprehensive history of women's antislavery petitions addressed to Congress, Susan Zaeske argues that by petitioning, women not only contributed significantly to the movement to abolish slavery but also made important strides toward securing their own rights and transforming their own political identity. By analyzing the language of women's antislavery petitions, speeches calling women to petition, congressional debates, and public reaction to women's petitions from 1831 to 1865, Zaeske reconstructs and interprets debates over the meaning of female citizenship. At the beginning of their political campaign in 1835 women tended to disavow the political nature of their petitioning, but by the 1840s they routinely asserted women's right to make political demands of their representatives. This rhetorical change, from a tone of humility to one of insistence, reflected an ongoing transformation in the political identity of petition signers, as they came to view themselves not as subjects but ascitizens. Having encouraged women's involvement in national politics, women's antislavery petitioning created an appetite for further political participation that spurred countless women after the Civil War and during the first decades of the twentieth century to promote causes such as temperance, anti-lynching laws, and women's suffrage.

Women and Politics in the Third World is the first comprehensive textbook on women's political activities in the third world. It provides a feminist analytical perspective on the specific forms of resistance, organisation and negotiation by women in third world states. Using case studies, the book ...

Women and Politics in the Third World is the first comprehensive textbook on women's political activities in the third world. It provides a feminist analytical perspective on the specific forms of resistance, organisation and negotiation by women in third world states. Using case studies, the book focuses on difference as a theoretical basis for investigating feminine political activism. Though Western analysts have attributed weakness to terms such as motherhood, marriage and domesticity, as choices made by non-Western women, the contributors show that such strategies are used by women to pursue particular goals such as seeking resources, welfare or freedom from oppression for their children. These strategies, the book suggests, should not be classified as unimportant or temporary and can be highly effective even within such discourses as Islamic fundamentalism. The contributors highlight differing political approaches in regions as diverse as Latin America, South East Asia, China and the Middle East.