By Wiener, Jon
The Nation , Vol. 278, No. 19
Archivists--Appointments, Resignations and Dismissals
Soviet Espionage--Political Aspects
Soviet Espionage--Records and Correspondence
Cold War, 1945-1991--Records and Correspondence
Bush, George W.--Human resource management
Bush, George W.--Political activity
Weinstein, Allen--Appointments, resignations and dismissals
Weinstein, Allen--Public opinion
Weinstein, Allen--Ethical aspects
United States. National Archives and Records Administration--Officials and employees
United States. National Archives and Records Administration--Political aspects
Society of American Archivists--Political activity
American Historical Association--Political activity
The White House nomination of Allen Weinstein, a historian of Soviet espionage, as archivist of the United States has caused a storm of protest in the normally quiet world of archivists and historians. Nineteen organizations, including the Society of American Archivists and the Organization of American Historians, have issued a joint statement expressing concern and calling on the Senate, which must confirm the nomination, to hold hearings to find out why the current archivist is being replaced and whether Weinstein is qualified. That call was heeded; hearings will be held "in the coming weeks," according to a Senate spokesperson.
The groups' first concern is that the nomination appears to be a political move, while the position of archivist was supposed to have been depoliticized. Weinstein has close ties to Republicans in Congress, and the board of his Center for Democracy includes Henry Kissinger. The archivist should be a non-political appointment because, as the custodian of the nation's history, the person is confronted with issues that have major political consequences--from the JFK assassination records to the Nixon White House tapes. Decisions about access ought to be nonpartisan; that's why the archivist's term is not linked to the President's. It is indefinite, and the archivist can be fired by the President only for cause. There was no need to replace the present archivist, John Carlin, a Clinton appointee; Carlin had made it clear that he intended to remain at his post until July 2005. He did announce on April 8 that he would leave before that--reportedly in response to White House pressure--but declared in his statement that he is not resigning until his successor is sworn in.
Why, then, has the White House nominated a new archivist? Many speculate that George W. Bush, as well as his father, thinks the younger Bush may lose the election, and they want their man in control of their archives before that happens. The new archivist will deal with access to the papers of the 9/11 Commission after it closes up shop in August and with the release of the archives of the presidency of Bush Senior, which, under the Presidential Records Act, can be made public starting in 2005 (except, of course, for classified documents). These records include, for example, documents on Bush Senior's role in the Iran/contra scandal of the late 1980s, when he was Reagan's Vice President. And if Bush Junior does lose the election, the new archivist would have a third new task: appointing a director for the Bush Junior presidential archives.
Whatever Bush's motives may be, Weinstein, who declined a request for an interview, is considered by many archivists and historians to be unqualified on ethical grounds. They point to his buying exclusive access to restricted archives and his withholding of archival materials from other scholars, which appear to violate the ethical standards of the archivists' and historians' organizations. The Senate should consider these issues in confirmation hearings.
For Weinstein's 1998 book The Haunted Wood: Soviet Espionage in America--The Stalin Era, his publisher, Random House, in 1993 paid a group of retired KGB agents a substantial amount of money--Weinstein has told people $100,000--in exchange for "exclusive" access to the KGB archives (see Ellen Schrecker, "The Spies Who Loved Us?" May 24, 1999). This appears to violate the code of ethics of the International Council on Archives, which calls for "the widest possible access" to documents.
In contrast, when Yale University Press obtained access to the Moscow archives of the Communist Party, editors pledged to make their documents available to other researchers. Jonathan Brent, now editorial director of the Annals of Communism series at Yale, explained to the New York Times that Yale made that pledge because "we want to enhance scholarship, not impede it." Commercial publishers of course want exclusive access in order to make a profit, but the US archivist should be held to a higher standard. …