By Thatcher, Margaret; Shultz, George P.; Sadruddin Aga Khan, Prince; Carlucci, Frank C.; Heisbourg, Francois; Kirkpatrick, Jeane J.; Brzezinski, Zbigniew; Clark, William; Nitze, Paul H.; Rostow, Eugene V.; Kampelman, Max M.; Mikhail-Ashrawi, Hanan; Sharansky, Natan; Kollek, Teddy; Karayalcin, Murat; Soros, George; Wiesel, Elie; Milosz, Czeslaw; Brodsky, Joseph; Popper, Karl; Wohlstetter, Albert
World Affairs , Vol. 156, No. 2
Shultz, George P.
Sadruddin Aga Khan, Prince
Carlucci, Frank C.
Kirkpatrick, Jeane J.
Nitze, Paul H.
Rostow, Eugene V.
Kampelman, Max M.
An Open Letter to President Clinton and Other Western Heads of State:
In Bosnia, the situation goes from bad to worse. The people there are in despair about their future. They are victims of brutal aggression. But they are also the victims of the failure of the democracies to act.
Instead of opposing the acquisition of territory by force, the United Nations and the democracies have dispatched humanitarian assistance to Bosnia. But welcome as it is, this will not stop the massacres or halt the ethnic cleansing. Humanitarian aid will not protect the besieged children of Bosnia from being herded into Muslim ghettos or orphaned or maimed or slaughtered.
These could have been our children.
If we do not act, immediately and decisively, history will read that in the last decade of this century the democracies failed to heed its most unforgiving lesson: that unopposed aggression will be enlarged and repeated, that a failure of will by the democracies will strengthen and encourage those who gain territory and rule by force.
HUMANITARIAN AID AND FUTURE
In Bosnia the democracies have used the need to deliver humanitarian aid both to excuse their own inaction and to keep the recognized multiethnic state of Bosnia outgunned and therefore itself unable to protect its civilian centers from slaughter by a dictator bent on making a Greater Serbia. Western governments now vying publicly to save several hundred maimed Bosnian children will not escape the responsibility they assumed for the slaughter of hundreds of thousands of other children and their parents, when they refused to let an independent Bosnia defend itself.
Recently, the U.N. and EC mediators, with U.S. support, threatened to withdraw humanitarian aid in order to coerce the Bosnian government into accepting violent changes in its borders and a partition into ethnically pure states, with Bosnia a set of widely dispersed, unarmed Muslim ghettos. But the U.N., the EC and the U.S. have continually condemned such changes and that partition as totally unacceptable. Such a partition, they've said, is unstable: It will mean still more killing, broken families, and the expulsion of millions at a time when Europe is closing its doors to refugees. If the fall of Sarajevo is a preface to a partition creating unarmed Muslim ghettos, it will be a preface also to further disasters, ethnic cleansing and instability - in Sarajevo itself and other Bosnian "safe havens" protected only by the U.N., in the rest of the Balkans, and beyond.
Bosnia, unlike Somalia, was no civil war. Like Kuwait, it was a case of clear-cut aggression against a member of the U.N. - a member whose independence the U.S., Europe and the international community have recognized for at least 16 months.
When the Baath dictatorship seized all of Kuwait in August 1990, it tried to erase Kuwaiti identity using rape, torture, the seizure of Kuwaiti passports and the forging of a new identity of Kuwait as a province of Iraq. A coalition of several NATO powers and some non-NATO countries joined the U.S. in demanding and then, in January 1991, compelling Iraq's withdrawal by using first airpower throughout Iraq and then ground forces in Kuwait and southern Iraq. The coalition was excercising the right of individual and collective self-defense of each of its members and of Kuwait. It aimed at more than mitigating Kuwait's suffering. The U.N. endorsed the coalition's aim to get Iraq out of Kuwait, and the aims beyond Kuwait to reduce Iraq's power to terrorize its neighbors. But the U.N. exercised no authority over the coalition.
In the same way, the U.S. should now lead a coalition of Western governments that exercises the right of each to individual and collective self-defense. The U.N. Charter does not confer that right; it acknowledges,it to be "inherent." Nor is that right conditioned on the secretary-general's approval. …