42. Grant Wacker, "Second Thoughts on the Great Commission: Liberal Protestants and Foreign Missions, 1890-1940," in Earthen Vessels, ed. Carpenter and Shenk, pp. 281-300.
43. See, for example, Allen V. Koop, American Evangelical Missionaries in France, 1945-1975 (Lanham, Md.: Univ. Press of America, 1986). Ralph Covell's Mission Impossible: The Unreached Nosu on China's Frontier (Pasadena, Calif.: Hope Publishing House, 1990) reflects one aspect of the work of Conservative Baptists in the 1940s.
44. David Sandgren, Christianity and the Kikuyu: Religious Divisions and In 1964, R. Pierce Beaver, professor of history of missions at the University of Chicago Divinity School, wrote From Missions to Mission. In his book, this eminent American mission historian reviewed the early part of the twentieth century and saw a Christianity that had ridden to success on the coattails of Euro-American imperialism and prestige. Two world wars, however, had demonstrated to growing nationalist movements in the developing world that Christianity was not part of a superior culture and that, furthermore, it was an agent of colonialism-Beaver went on to analyze the current climate for world missions, which included militant nationalism, urbanization, secularization, repudiation of the West, and revivals of non-Christian religions. To move forward in such a context, he said, missions must begin to cooperate among themselves and with younger, non-Western churches on behalf of Christ's mission. Beaver saw embodied in the World Council of Churches the beginning of new approaches to mission that would stress reconciliation over competition, and peace and justice issues alongside proclamation. Missions from the West should become a common worldwide enterprise; pluralism must give way to unity.
Beaver's small volume, its prescience notwithstanding, illustrates the danger of historians drawing on the past in order to predict the future. The ecumenical movement that Beaver touted as the source of new forms of mission had within ten years so modified the definition of mission that confusion over its meaning was widespread in mainline churches. When Beaver retired from the University of Chicago in 1971, his post was eliminated, a practice followed in numerous mainline institutions during the 1970s. "Foreign missions" had become "universal mission," only to evaporate into generalizations. Oddly enough, the North American evangelical missionaries whom Beaver described in 1964 as "sectarian and partisan," and as disrupting the unity of mission "for the first time in three hundred years", surpassed mainline missionaries in number and vigor. Today, with pluralism celebrated and competition among religions fierce, with nondenominational missions dwarfing the efforts of the old mainline, with indigenous Pentecostalism exploding in nooks and crannies around the world, the prospect for mission in the twenty-first century is dynamic and diverse but bears little resemblance to the top-down, unified witness Beaver envisioned in 1964. It is the thesis of this essay that we have moved from "mission" to "beyond missions."
The road from "missions" to "mission" and "beyond missions," traveled so painfully by American Protestantism since World War II, has been trod as well by the historians of North American missions. Mission history prior to World War II was largely a denominational affair, told from the perspective of efforts by individual denominations to spread their form of Christianity around the globe.(1) Beaver and other mission historians of the post-World War II generation envisioned the Protestant foreign mission enterprise through the lens of ecumenical unity. Similarly, American secular historians were captivated by an interpretation of Protestant missions as a symbol of American identity. Important to both secular and church historians was the transition from missions to mission, from a pluralistic enterprise to the symbol of either national or ecclesiastical cooperation. But, as the social changes that Beaver described in 1964 accelerated throughout the 1960s and early 1970s, both the religious vision and the secular vision narrowed. By the late 1960s, there was scarcely a work written on American Protestant missions that did not focus on their role in promoting imperialism. Historical concern for mission died like the chairs of missiology in mainline Protestant institutions: interest was either gone or confined to the negative.
The 1980s witnessed an explosion of renewed scholarly interest in the history of American Protestant missions. The acknowledgment of pluralism both in American society and within American Protestantism freed mission history from its captivity to unity. Intellectual historians discovered a full range of American mission theory that had lain forgotten in mission libraries for decades. Feminist historians recognized the dominance of women in the missionary movement and used the ample documentation provided by mission sources to uncover hidden angles on the history of American women. The "sectarian" evangelicals that Beaver had excoriated in 1964 reached such a level of institutional maturity and ecclesiastical dominance that critical historical analysis became both possible and necessary. Church historians realized that missions were a central preoccupation not only of the mainline but of ethnic Americans, women, assorted subcultures, and Roman Catholics as well. From the ashes of "mission" reemerged "missions," a lively and diverse enterprise, no longer able to fit comfortably into the outgrown garb of denominational history, Christian unity, or American identity.
Before the historiographic trail from mission singular to missions plural is explored, a caveat is in order. This article seeks to cover only "foreign" missions, defined as those efforts to spread Protestant Christianity from North America to cultures and contexts outside its borders. The United States as a mission field itself, including outreach to immigrants and to indigenous peoples of North America, deserves another full essay and cannot be considered adequately without including Roman Catholicism. Arguments can be made that foreign missions should include missions to native Americans prior to the conquest of their territory by the United States, or that the convenient but missiologically archaic term "foreign" should be replaced by the nongeographic term "cross-cultural." However, for the sake of convenience and to remain true to the way that American Protestants have generally used the term "foreign," this study will exclude the historiography of North America as itself a mission field.
Missions and the Mission of America
The search for national identity, for a central unifying idea of what it means to be an American, dominated the work of American intellectual historians during the mid-twentieth century as they addressed the subject of Protestants and foreign missions. When the field of American intellectual history emerged between the two world wars, historians anchored the meaning of America to its concept of national mission. Unable to base their unity on common ethnic backgrounds, Americans apparently drew their identity from common purpose--shared commitment to democracy, voluntarism, individual rights, and free enterprise.
With the United States entering the fray against both Fascism and Communism, Ralph Gabriel published The Course of American Democratic Thought.(2) To Gabriel and his followers, the public function of the mission idea was so compelling that it diverted attention from its historic roots in American Protestant missions to non-Christians. When Gabriel, Perry Miller, and others created "American intellectual history" in the 1930s and 1940s, they loosened the idea of mission from its theological context, secularized it, and made it the basis for Protestant-dominated national identity. For American intellectual historians, to be an American meant de facto to adopt the Protestant worldview. To follow the Protestant worldview meant to be in mission. Therefore, the syllogism concluded, to be an American was to participate in mission. Foreign missions, in the plural, became a manifestation of the singular mission of America.
By the mid-twentieth century, intellectual historians had subsumed the specifically religious dimensions of the American mission impulse under the issue of nationalism. In 1952, Perry Miller, who had rescued the intellectual life of American Puritans from oblivion, published the important essay "Errand into the Wilderness," in which he traced the origins of American identity to the Puritans' desire to propagate pure religion through emigration from Europe.(3) The abundance of land, however, worked against disciplined purity and created the national mission from the failure of the religious one. Adapting to their environment, the American Puritans did not abandon their "errand into the wilderness" but transformed it into the process of Americanization. Miller's essay symbolized for a generation of thinkers the essential unity of American tradition and identity, and the captivity of religious motivations to secular ones.
Following World War II, a new generation of church historians deepened the focus on mission's relationship to nationalism. With the World Council of Churches being founded in 1948 as the "United Nations of Christendom," the 1950s was the heyday not only of "consensus history" but of the Protestant ecumenical movement, a powerful force that deeply influenced mainline church historians. Although they acknowledged that spiritual motives were primary in Protestant mission, church historians like R. Pierce Beaver, William Richey Hogg at Southern Methodist University, and Robert T. Handy at Union Theological Seminary nevertheless examined missions through the prism of unity, either in terms of national identity or as a basis for ecumenical cooperation.(4)
Robert Handy's interest in church-state relations, the ecumenical movement, and in other Protestant efforts to initiate the kingdom of God on earth, such as the social gospel and home missions, made him a perceptive analyst of Protestant mission's contribution to nationalism. Handy explored how turn-of-the-century Protestants used foreign missions to propagate so-called Christian civilization. Missions became an imperialistic crusade to spread Western civilization throughout the world, as well as the motivating force behind the ecumenical movement. Mission-oriented Protestants "felt themselves part of one crusade for the evangelization, the Christianization, and the civilization of the world." In the first twenty years of the twentieth century, Protestants, according to Handy, "easily idealized the culture and democracy of America. There was a considerable transfer of religious feelings to the civilization and the nation." Missionary forces had unwittingly become involved in "religious nationalism."(5)
The idea that Protestant foreign missions were a tool of nationalism and, by extension abroad, imperialism, proved to be an irresistible thesis that has generated numerous monographs from the late 1950s until the present. After consensual interpretations of American history were challenged by the social upheavals of the 1960s, and the ecumenical movement splintered on the shoals of secularized theologies and political disunity, mission increasingly became a metaphor not for national virtue but for imperialistic excesses. The mission of America and, by association, Protestant foreign missions no longer represented America's virtue but its fatal flaw.
Monographs on American missions and imperialism tended to focus on a particular geographic region or moment in history. One of the earliest works to explore the foreign policy implications of missionary nationalism was an excellent book produced in 1958 on China by Paul H. Varg. Varg concluded that the struggle initiated by missionaries between Chinese and Western culture was so severe that "American nationalism threatened to triumph over the religious."(6) In 1961, Kenneth MacKenzie wrote about the Philippines, showing how foreign missions were a reason for President McKinley's decision to keep the Philippines as a colony in 1898.(7) The role of New England in early nineteenth-century missionary imperialism was explored by John A. Andrew III.(8) Andrew argued that American foreign missions were in fact the result of "cognitive dissonance" by Congregationalists, who sought to compensate for their loss of power at home by extending it abroad to places like the Pacific Islands. One of the finest examinations of missionary involvement in American foreign policy was Joseph Grabill's study of the Protestant missionary impact on the Near East. Running against the current of seeing missions as supportive of American imperialism, Grabill argued that missionaries promoted internationalism and the protection of minorities in the Ottoman Empire.(9)
Other more recent monographs on American missions' relationship to nationalism and imperialism include Rosa del Carmen Bruno-Jofre's study of Methodist mission education in Peru.(10) Based on primary sources and written by a Peruvian, Methodist Education in Peru argues that Methodist educational missionaries imported American ideologies couched in theological formulations and the theories of John Dewey. In 1986, Kenton Clymer produced a finely nuanced study of American missionary attitudes toward American colonialism and Filipino culture.(11)
Following the pattern set by intellectual historians, the historiography of American Protestants and foreign missions evolved from identifying the Protestant missionary impulse as the source of American identity (from missions plural to mission singular), to mission as the source of both ecclesiastical and national unity, and from nationalism to imperialism. Given the historical reality that Americans engaged in political imperialism far less than Europeans, who carved out empires in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, it has been important to define the precise relationship between missionary activity and imperialism. Two valuable articles have been written on the nature of American missionary imperialism in general. The first of these was by Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.; his essay "The Missionary Enterprise and Theories of Imperialism" equated American missions with cultural imperialism.(12) Missionaries may not have personally wielded economic or political power, he argued, but they represented the purposeful aggression of American culture against the ideas and cultures of other people. In 1982, William R. Hutchison reasoned that the broad support of Americans for foreign missions at the turn of the century was because of the shared belief that "Christianity as it existed in the West had a 'right' not only to conquer the world, but to define reality for the peoples of the world."(13) Apologists for American missions were not so much agents of American colonialism as the ideologues of the movement, providing a "moral equivalent" for American imperialism.
The tendency inherited from intellectual history to evaluate Protestant foreign missions in relation to American nationalism has had both strengths and weaknesses as an interpretive framework. The greatest strength has been its refusal to evaluate the mission movement apart from the larger stream of American history. American missionaries, after all, retained American attitudes no matter where they worked. The benefits, however, must be held in tension with the weaknesses of nationalist mission history. For one thing, nationalist mission history has too often turned the mission impulse into a hireling at the service of national identity. In the 1950s, parallel support for national and church unity made missionaries into heroes, the shock troops of the eminently compelling "American way"; by the late 1960s, the missionary had become the villain of American foreign policy. In either case, until the 1980s missionary thought and activity was seldom studied in its own right, nor was the role of the missionary as transmitter of cross-cultural information to America taken seriously. In sinologist John K. Fairbank's words, "The invisible man of American history" was the missionary.(14)
Another weakness of nationalist mission history was that its focus on national identity led it to concentrate on the so-called mainline churches as the "thought leaders" of American Protestantism. Consensus intellectual history was biased toward texts produced primarily by white male New Englanders, to the exclusion of women, conservative evangelicals, Anabaptists, African-Americans, Pentecostals, and other groups deemed marginal or insignificant: Popular piety was ignored in favor of formal theological and political pronouncements. Intellectual sources superseded other forms of documentation, with the social biography of the missionary force seldom examined except where it fed nationalist identity or Christian unity, as in the case of the Student Volunteer Movement for Foreign Missions.(15)
One of the most egregious failures of nationalist mission history was, surprisingly enough, its parochialism. With the exception of studies of the ecumenical movement or of missionaries in China, rarely was Protestant missionary activity assessed in relation to the mission work of other nations, or in relation to the indigenous cultures and religions impacted by the missionary. Seldom was the question raised about how people of other cultures viewed the mission enterprise; indigenous converts became by implication "running dogs" of American imperialism. In effect, the study of Protestant foreign missions tended to function as a subsidiary of a political agenda, either in the service of national identity or in the debunking of the same.
Discovery of Mission Theory
By virtue of their pattern of using selected mission thought as a basis for constructing national identity, until the 1980s American intellectual historians seemed uninterested in the full range of mission thinking, regardless of its undeniable importance for American history and culture. The causes for neglect were several: the captivity of missions to the national mission of America; the embarrassment of secular historians at ideas smacking of either conservative Christianity or "proselytization"; and the neglect of cross-cultural issues in historical studies generally. Interest in mission theory was confined to the missiologists, who were seldom in dialogue with intellectual historians. The noteworthy exception was Beaver, whose commitment both to missiology and to history resulted in writings with "crossover" value. In the 1950s he produced two of the earliest articles addressing American mission theory from a historical perspective.(16)
In 1967, Beaver collected the works of the most important nineteenth-century mission theorist, Rufus Anderson of the American Board.(17) In rediscovering Anderson, Beaver uncovered the source of much mission theory that Americans had long taken for granted, particularly the indigenous church principles of self-support, self-government, and self-propagation. Another valuable source book for mission thought was Beaver's collection of early American missionary sermons.(18) In 1968 he contributed a groundbreaking overview of American missionary motivation.(19) Although outside the scope of this article, Beaver also wrote pioneer scholarly works on the relationship of missions to American Indians.(20)
In the 1970s, a smattering of works on the history of mission thought appeared to whet the appetite of historians. In 1970 Denton Lotz wrote a dissertation at the University of Hamburg, "'The Evangelization of the World in This Generation': The Resurgence of a Missionary Idea Among the Conservative Evangelicals." While Lotz's dissertation was never published, it was important because not only did it deal seriously with American mission thought, but it traced a key idea from its origins in the late nineteenth-century evangelical mainline to conservative groups in the present. In 1970 the publication in Holland of J. A. DeJong's work on millennialism and missions traced a particular theme in mission thought prior to the beginning of explicitly American foreign missions.(21) Charles Chaney in 1976 published a thorough study of mission thought in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.(22) In 1977 appeared a seminal essay by missiologist and historian Charles Forman of Yale, "A History of Foreign Mission Theory."(23) In the mission library of Yale Divinity School, Forman had discovered 150 serious works written by American mission theorists between 1890 and 1950, virtually none of which had been read by academic historians. Roger Bassham placed American mission thought in its global context in a work on ecumenical, evangelical, and Roman Catholic mission theology since World War II.(24)
The academic study of American mission theory received a major boost in 1977 when missiologist Gerald H. Anderson revived the periodical Occasional Bulletin from the Missionary Research Library, which in 1981 became the INTERNATIONAL BULLETIN OF MISSIONARY RESEARCH. Anderson had written a doctoral dissertation in 1960 that was the first comprehensive study of twentieth-century Protestant mission theory.(25) With a historian's training and sensibilities, Anderson began a series on the legacies of major mission theorists of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, recruiting experts to write biographical sketches of such mission thinkers as E. Stanley Jones, Daniel Fleming, Rufus Anderson, and A. J. Gordon. The series continues today, and every quarter the mission thought of another hitherto neglected mission theorist is brought to light. Probably more than anything else, the INTERNATIONAL BULLETIN'S legacy series has created scholarly interest in mission theory among missiologists and evangelical church historians. Besides the series, the INTERNATIONAL BULLETIN publishes other articles relevant to American mission theory.(26) In 1988, Anderson's own article "American Protestants in Pursuit of Mission: 1886-1986" appeared in a centennial volume for the American Society of Church History.(27) His article was a helpful overview of both mission thought and activity over a century. One further recent Anderson article requires mention, "Mission Research, Writing, and Publishing: 1971-1991," which provides an overview of the entire field of mission research, including mission history.(28) Currently Anderson is editing a biographical dictionary of Christian missions. Scheduled for publication by Simon & Schuster, it will be the first-ever work of its kind.
Mission theory moved out of the missiological ghetto and into mainstream history with the 1987 publication of William R. Hutchison's eagerly awaited history of American Protestant mission theory.(29) As an intellectual historian rather than a missiologist, Hutchison examined mission theory "as American." While granting integrity to the body of mission thought, Hutchison's book flowed out of intellectual history's quest for national identity. Errand to the World represented the first book-length attempt to grapple with a full range of mission thought. Its sources were nevertheless limited almost entirely to "high texts" from the Reformed tradition, broadly defined. Hutchison's book, while a brilliant piece of work, should be viewed as the beginning rather than the end of mainstream historical research into Protestant mission theory.
Hutchison's focus on the "Americanness" of Protestant mission thought has been shared by historians of non-Western Christianity. In 1970 Norman Etherington wrote "An American Errand into the South African Wilderness." Etherington applied his extensive knowledge of South African mission history to show how American Board efforts to evangelize the Zulus in the 1830s were an attempt to reproduce "the American experience among the primitive peoples of Africa."(30) An important example of viewing American missions as quintessentially American was an essay by Scottish professor Andrew Walls, "The American Dimension in the History of the Missionary Movement."(31) Walls is probably the most profound analyst of global Protestant mission history today, and his article analyzed the particularities of both American thought and culture as evident in Protestant missions.
The history of Protestant mission theory in its fullness is just coming into its own; increasingly, secular scholars are realizing that they cannot generalize about missionaries but must take into account the ideological tradition out of which they operated, not to mention their social location. The historical study of Protestant mission theory has its limitations, however. For one thing, as essentially an exercise in intellectual history, it faces the same problems of sources as does nationalist mission history. Another problem is its tendency not to be grounded in study of actual missionary practice. Until studies of mission theory can be cross-checked with how such theories played themselves out in different mission fields, and in comparison with non-American missiologies, the full implications of mission thought are unknowable. Lacking also have been historical examinations of mission theory in the broader context of American theology. As in the case of nationalist mission historiography, the focus of the study of Protestant mission theory so far has been largely limited to understanding American identity.
Protestant Missions and Pluralism
One fruitful by-product of the collapse of consensus over American identity in the 1960s and 1970s was the unshackling of foreign missions from national purpose. Historians began to realize that foreign missions were not activities confined to male New England Congregationalists in the early nineteenth century but were intrinsic even to apparently marginal Protestant groups, ethnic minorities, and women. By the 1980s, pluralistic mission history became possible, with the relationship of various groups to nationalism only one of the questions asked of the data. Ethnic and gender analysis, the techniques of social and cultural history, and increased historical awareness by denominations ranging from Mennonites to Southern Baptists to Nazarenes to Assemblies of God produced a range of new studies, although it must be said that most of the denominational literature is still being neglected by the academy.
Missions and Ethnicity
In 1982, three books appeared on the mission history of African-Americans. Despite its coverage of a narrow time period, the best overview of the subject is Walter Williams's exploration of the way in which missions in various denominations stimulated interest in Africa among African-Americans and thus prepared the way for pan-Africanism.(32) Sylvia Jacobs edited a volume that included articles on African-American missionaries, motivations, and missionary ideology.(33) The third important book of 1982 on African-Americans was edited by David W. Wills and Richard Newman.(34) Their volume contained valuable essays on prominent antebellum missionaries, such as Daniel Coker, Francis Burns, Alexander Crummell, and Lott Carey. Wills and Albert Raboteau are coediting "African-American Religion: A Documentary History Project," which will contain considerable information on African-American contact with Africa, including foreign missions.
Although brief overviews exist in broader denominational histories, book-length treatments of African-American missions by denomination are rare. An exception is Sandy D. Martin's history of black Baptist missions to Africa.(35) In 1989, James T. Campbell wrote a dissertation on the relationship between black Americans and South Africans, the role of the African Methodist Episcopal Church in educating South Africans, and debates over "industrial education" for blacks.(36) Biographies of important black denominational mission leaders that have appeared recently are of James Theodore Holly, founder of the Episcopal Church in Haiti; Lott Carey, first African-American missionary to Liberia; Alexander Crummell, Episcopal missionary; Henry McNeal Turner, African Methodist Episcopal bishop and pan-Africanist; and William Sheppard, Presbyterian missionary to the Congo.(37)
Many ethnic Protestant denominations such as Lutherans, Mennonites, and Moravians have received more attention for their work with immigrants or their substantial work with Native Americans than for overseas missions.(38) With overseas mission work organized relatively late, the historiography of traditionally ethnic denominations is not as well developed as that of the Protestant mainstream. Nevertheless, a number of full-length accounts appeared in the 1970s and 1980s.(39) Articles on particular aspects of these missions are occasionally found in denominational periodicals and newsletters.(40)
Missions and Evangelicalism
One of the most important directions in the pluralization of Protestant mission history has been recent study of twentieth-century evangelicals. Although evangelicals have been the most active proponents of foreign missions since 1945, until 1990 there was virtually no examination of evangelical missions as a whole. The reason for such neglect was probably that most critically trained church historians were biased toward church unity and saw twentieth-century evangelicals to be fissiparous and on the margins of American history. The first attempt at a general interpretation appeared as the result of a conference sponsored by the Institute for the Study of American Evangelicals, published in 1990 under the title Earthen Vessels: American Evangelicals and Foreign Missions, 1880-1980. The volume contained valuable essays on conservative evangelical mission theory, evangelical missionaries in several parts of the world, and a very important essay on conservative missions by American historian Joel A. Carpenter.(41) Probably the greatest contribution of Earthen Vessels was that it opened the way for further studies on the topic of evangelicalism and missions. It also included an article by Grant Wacker that explored the views of liberal Protestants toward other religions.(42)
There have been several good studies of twentieth-century evangelicals in actual mission situations, although what exists is only a drop in the bucket of what is possible.(43) The most detailed analysis of an evangelical/fundamentalist mission in relation to the indigenous culture in which it worked is David Sandgren's study of the Africa Inland Mission in Kenya.(44) Sandgren's research was remarkable in its use of oral interviews obtained from indigenous converts, but its use of missionary documentation was narrow. The area in which the study of evangelical missions has excelled is in-house denominational or parachurch institutional histories. Although the in-house materials are of varying quality and are usually pioneer attempts to chart the basic parameters of the mission society's work, some of them contain critical insights.(45)
In 1993, the Wesleyan/Holiness Studies Center at Asbury Theological Seminary held a conference on the theme "Mission in the Wesleyan/Holiness Traditions," which should result in a volume on the Holiness movement in American missions, to be edited by David Bundy. When Pentecostalism emerged from the Holiness movement, it carried with it the Holiness movement's commitment to missions. At present, no survey of Pentecostal mission history exists, although the fine work of Gary McGee on the Assemblies of God must be mentioned.(46) An in-house periodical that frequently contains high-quality articles on Pentecostal mission history is Assemblies of God Heritage, edited by archivist Wayne Warner. Finally, reference must be made to the Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, which contains valuable entries on Pentecostal missionaries, mission organizations, and mission theory.(47)
The surge of interest in evangelical history in general has stimulated a number of works on the "home base," the context out of which twentieth-century conservative Protestant missions emerged. Bible schools provided most of the training for evangelical missionaries, and Virginia Lieson Brereton explored their history in 1990.(48) Timothy Weber examined the ideological developments that produced the turn-of-the-century conservative missionary movement, including missions to the Jews.(49) Dana Robert's doctoral dissertation on mission theorist Arthur T. Pierson, published in Korean in 1988, looked at the transition from denominational missions to faith missions during the same time period.(50)
Evangelical and Pentecostal mission history from many angles will continue to increase in importance as interpreters gain historical distance from the topic, and as it becomes self-evident that the future of world Protestantism belongs more to Pentecostalism than to the old "mainline." The story of how Pentecostalism has affected missionary activity and emerging indigenous Christianity is just beginning to be told.(51) Topics in the greatest need of future research include evangelical missionary attitudes toward other cultures and religions, the relationship between American and non-Western evangelicals, and studies of evangelical work "in the field." The most serious barriers to evangelical mission history are the tendency toward hagiography among evangelicals, for whom missionary biography is primarily a source of spiritual inspiration, and the activistic orientation that provides support for missions but considers historical analysis to be a waste of time. An important exception to the biography-as-hagiography tendency with a focus on evangelicals was Ruth Tucker's biographical history of missions published in 1983.(52)
The biggest problem in writing twentieth-century evangelical history is that of sources. Activistic evangelicals are notoriously poor at keeping records, especially when their theology predisposes them to look toward an imminent second coming of Christ. The age of the telephone has also preempted traditional source material such as letters, personal journals, and regular mission correspondence. Fortunately, places like the Billy Graham Center Archives at Wheaton College and the Assemblies of God Archives are collecting oral histories of evangelical and Pentecostal missionaries. Another important resource is the Ida Grace McRuer Missions Resource Centre, sponsored by missiologist Jon Bonk at Providence College and Seminary in Otterburne, Manitoba. The center collects ephemeral material such as fund-raising literature and prayer letters sent free of charge by nearly six hundred evangelical mission organizations.
Missions and Women
Aside from work on evangelicals, the greatest amount of recent historical work on a subgroup in Protestant missions has been on women. Since the late nineteenth century, women have been in the majority in the mission field, and in all denominational traditions they have dominated educational and social work, as well as mission support in local churches. In terms of the transmission of American culture abroad, the role of missionary women has been paramount. Although the early twentieth century saw a massive amount written by women on women and missions, little of this penetrated the male-dominated history profession. The bias toward intellectual history also kept the contributions of missionary women hidden from view because women tended to produce "popular" writing.
Once again missiologist R. Pierce Beaver pioneered the way for historians when he wrote All Loves Excelling: American Protestant Women in World Mission.(53) An institutional history of the women's missionary movement, Beaver's book reflected his bias toward Christian unity and therefore concentrated on women in the mainline churches and the movement toward ecumenism. Consequently, there was no reference to twentieth-century evangelical or Pentecostal women in the first edition. A revised edition issued in 1980 claimed that the women's missionary movement was "the first feminist movement in North America" but failed to define feminism or put the material into the context of women's history. Beaver's volume is still useful as an institutional overview of mainline women in mission in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
By the late 1970s feminist historians had begun to appreciate the importance of studying missionary women for understanding gender relations in America. As a popular movement involving millions of women, the women's missionary movement became a filter through which women historians could analyze the roles of Protestant women in America. Barbara Welter opened the topic with her essay "She Hath Done What She Could: Protestant Women's Missionary Careers in Nineteenth-Century America."(54) Welter argued that although women's careers as missionaries were varied and fulfilling, mission careers for women typified the phenomenon of men's abandoning an occupation to women when they lost interest in it. In 1980, Joan Jacobs Brumberg issued a study of the Judson family, Adoniram and his three wives Ann, Sarah, and Emily. Adoniram and Ann Judson were the pioneer missionaries of the Congregationalists and later the Baptists.(55) Although Brumberg's group biography was an important social study of evangelicalism, its chief importance was in showing how missionary wives as role models contributed to the self-understanding of American Protestant women.
In 1984, Jane Hunter forcefully demonstrated the value of examining women missionaries as representatives of American female culture in a doctoral dissertation, that was later published. Relying on the correspondence and journals of mainline China missionaries, Hunter uncovered how female missionaries were representative of the struggle of middle-class Protestant women between public outreach and private home life. Women missionaries were "the most successful emissaries" of American culture abroad.(56) Continuing the exploration of missionary women as "civilizers," or promoters of Western culture and social change, Leslie A. Flemming in 1989 edited a volume on women missionaries and social change in Asia.(57)
The largest contingent of American Protestant women abroad in the early nineteenth century were the Congregational missionary women in Hawaii. The Hawaii women were in a unique position to reproduce New England female culture in a controlled setting where it could be studied, and ample documentation through correspondence exists. Studies of these women began to appear in the 1980s. Char Miller discussed the impact of domestic responsibilities on their missionary work in "Domesticity Abroad: Work and Family in the Sandwich Island Mission, 1820-1840."(58) A book-length examination of the stresses and strains of missionary life, particularly of enforced domesticity and gender discrimination, appeared in 1989 by Patricia Grimshaw(59) The most recent and well-nuanced examination of the Hawaiian missionary wives, particularly sensitive to their religious motivations, is Mary Zwiep's 1991 study of the first group of Congregational missionary women.(60)
Consideration of the home base of the woman's missionary movement began with the publication of a book by Patricia Hill, the first in-depth analysis of the mainline women's missionary movement at its height.(61) Hill argued that the success of the women's missionary movement was based on its gender-based ideology, and the collapse of the movement occurred when professionalization and secularization undercut its distinctive rationale. The most important inter-Protestant women's organization at the height of the missionary movement was undoubtedly the Young Women's Christian Association. The history of the missionary wing of the YWCA has been ably chronicled by Nancy Boyd.(62)
Gender analysis from a conservative evangelical perspective first appeared in 1988, when Ruth Tucker produced a biographical history of women missionaries.(63) Although Guardians of the Great Commission is anecdotal rather than systematic, it contains helpful observations on domesticity, gender relations, and mission theory scattered throughout the biographical sketches. The greatest significance of Tucker's book is that it was the first book on women in mission to cover twentieth-century evangelical women.
Denominational historians have produced material of quality on women and missions in their own tradition. Noteworthy among these are studies of missionary women in the Southern Baptist, Episcopal, Presbyterian, United Methodist, Congregational, and Canadian Methodist denominations.(64) A number of denominational women's organizations have issued popular books containing biographical sketches of prominent missionaries or home base leaders.(65) One of the most illuminating biographical studies of women leaders at the home base is Louise A. Cattan's treatment of Helen Barrett Montgomery and Lucy Waterbury Peabody. The two American Baptist women were important American leaders of the ecumenical women's missionary movement in the twentieth century.(66)
The discovery of women missionaries by feminist historians has been valuable for American history. Analysis of women missionaries permits study in a microcosm of self-conscious, articulate groups of women who either deliberately or despite themselves were bearers of American culture to other groups. Feminist history of the women's missionary movement has been outstanding in its sensitivity to cultural issues, even though the explanatory category of separate male and female "spheres" has probably been overemphasized. Missionary women represented Protestant Christianity both in its most self-denying and in its most culturally imperialistic forms. The weakness of the feminist history approach toward missionary women, however, parallels the weakness of nationalist mission history. Religious piety has sometimes been treated as a screen for domesticity or for social control of non-Western women, or as cultural imperialism, rather than being taken seriously on its own terms, thus reflecting a bias against considering religiosity as a category separate from race, class, or gender. Feminist analysis of women missionaries has concentrated on American gender identity and ideology, much as nationalist history focused on American identity. Unsurprisingly, feminist historians have studied almost exclusively mainline Protestant women during the height of the imperialist era. Except for self-avowed evangelical historians, the twentieth-century conservative evangelical woman has been relegated to marginality, as retrograde in the development of the women's movement.
A recent theme in women's missionary history is to move away from preoccupation with how missionaries did or did not reflect the domestic women's movement and social change, toward examination of women's motivations, piety, and mission theory both in their own right and in relation to the total missionary enterprise. Although written in different styles and for different audiences, Mary Zwiep's and Ruth Tucker's aforementioned works are examples of this approach. Emphasizing a comparative approach so as to analyze how social context affected the development of women's mission theory, missiologist and historian Dana Robert has produced several articles in preparation for a forthcoming history of American women's mission theory.(67)
The examination of American women's mission history by non-Westerners is another new development that promises to help historians evaluate American culture and theology from the so-called receiving end. The December 1986 issue of Indian Church History Review focused on the roles of women missionaries in India.(68) Kwok Pui-lan's recently published study of Chinese women and their appropriation of Christianity is a model of how Western missionary women's materials need to be used to evaluate the missionary movement from broader perspectives than those defined by American agendas.(69)
Missions and Denominationalism
Finally, in the discussion of the pluralization of Protestant missionary history, it is important to revisit the idea of mainline denominational history. Now that the hold of nationalist interpretations of mainline mission history has been broken, the time has come to look at the mission work of Methodists, Presbyterians, American Baptists, Congregationalists, Disciples, and others with new eyes. How did denominational mission movements not only reflect American identity and create church unity but change over time in connection with the wider debates in American Christianity? How have missions transmitted knowledge of other cultures back to American Protestants? How have the social-reform agendas of the mainline been evaluated by indigenous historians? Rather than seeing Protestant mission as a monolith, were there differences among denominations that led to differing relationships with non-Christian cultures and religions? How has the drastic change in mission thought and the decline of the mainline missionary force since the 1950s affected the vitality and self-understanding of American Protestantism? From the perspective of the twenty-first century, how should historians evaluate the record of mainline missions in the twentieth century, the most productive century in mission history thus far? Rare is the denominational mission history that integrates the contributions of men and women into a balanced whole, or that considers missions as essentially a relationship between different cultures rather than implicitly an imposition by one on another.
The rewriting of mainline denominational mission history is one of the key tasks for mission history in the 1990s. Beginnings have been made, but much more needs to be done. The interest in taking a new look at mainline mission history was exemplified by a recent volume of reprinted essays edited by church historian Martin E. Marty.(70) In 1992, Ian Douglas completed a dissertation on Episcopal mission structures and theology covering the mid-twentieth century.(71) Also in 1992 appeared Gerald De Jong's study of the Reformed Church in China.(72) James Cogswell, former associate general secretary for overseas ministries of the National Council of Churches, is writing a comprehensive history of Presbyterian missions. Both Presbyterian and Mennonite mission historians hope to meet with colleagues in the Third World to stimulate the collaborative writing of mission history from both sides.
The advent of denominational oral history projects in the 1980s has pulled together some of the resources necessary for fresh evaluations of twentieth-century denominational history. The Evangelical Lutheran Church of America, for example, has been engaged in an oral history project on women in mission. Denominational church history magazines have frequently published articles on particular aspects or fields of American mission history and are one of the best sources for local studies.(73) The role of American denominations in specialized forms of mission is another area needing research.(74)
A subsidiary focus of the emerging interest in denominational history is the renewed appreciation for missionary biography. From the time of David Brainerd's diary in the eighteenth century, to Harriet Newell's journal in the nineteenth, to the numerous biographies of Ann and Adoniram Judson in the nineteenth and twentieth, missionary biography has inspired Protestants to become missionaries. Evangelical Christians continue to read missionary biographies of twentieth-century heroes.(75) Historians are realizing, however, that missionary biography is not necessarily hagiography; critically done, it can illuminate aspects of American identity, cross-cultural relations, and theological development. A case in point is Char Miller's biography of the Bingham family of Hawaii over multiple generations.(76) Where, we might ask, is the study of the Dulles family, which began with Myron and Harriet Winslow in Ceylon in 1819 and continued into India, culminating in John Foster Dulles as secretary of state under President Eisenhower? Where is the critical study of the Samuel Moffetts or the Horace Underwoods, whose families have spent a century in Korea?
In addition to the missionary dynasties, the lives of "ordinary" missionaries should be mined for the perspective they provide on American history. Privately printed and limited-edition missionary journals are sometimes issued by family members. Important missionaries sometimes write their autobiographies.(77) These first-person accounts are the primary sources of twentieth-century missions and should be collected by libraries interested in mission history, but frequently they are not considered of sufficient interest to justify the expense. Some missionary biographies are published by university presses with an interest in particular geographic areas. Probably the part of the world that has generated the largest number of mainline missionary biographies is China.(78) Edwin Mellen Press publishes a mission series that includes scholarly missionary biographies and collections of writings.(79) Autobiographies and biographies of leading home-base leaders and ecumenists have also found a market.(80) Among missionary biography, denominational history magazines, and archival projects, there is reason to hope that mainline mission history is at the beginning of a much-needed renaissance.
Mission History in International Perspective
The study of Protestant foreign missions has been important to American history because it has shown how commitment to the spread of Christian faith has helped to shape American identity, both in religious and in secular realms. The continued importance of mission history, however, lies not only in what it will reveal about changing American self-perceptions but in its function as a bridge to understanding the United States in relation to the rest of the world. The triumphalistic tendency to see the world as the playground of Yankees is being left in the past. New world realities demonstrate that American Protestantism's importance for the future might lie not so much in its own destiny but in the role it has played in the rise of Christianity in the non-Western world. Even as Protestantism struggles to hold its own in the West, the growth of the church in Africa, Asia, and Latin America is shifting the dynamic center of Christianity to the Southern Hemisphere. Future considerations of American Protestant foreign missions must take into account that the old Rome is giving way to the new; Boston and Nashville are yielding to Seoul and Nairobi.
Increasingly, the significance of missions for American history lies in international relationships. Scholars should no longer study missionaries without recognizing how they were affected by indigenous peoples, or how the cultures in which they worked shaped their mission theories. Historians should study how the interaction of Christianity with other religions has shaped its message in different settings. Since American Protestantism resides in a global village, it must be studied in relation to European, African, Asian, and Latin American Christianity. We indeed have moved "beyond missions."
Indigenous historians of Christianity bring their own agendas to the source material and can thereby enrich with new perspectives American self-understanding. One theme that international scholars have isolated from their study of American Protestant missions is the role played by missions among the larger forces of modernization in non-Western cultures; American missions were frequently an important path to Westernization and/or nationalism.(81) Ethicist Masao Takenaka examined how American missionaries contributed to the transition from feudalism during the Meiji Restoration in Japan.(82) In 1967, historian Sushil Madhava Pathak studied the interplay between Hinduism and Protestant missionary thinking, including the social modernization and Hindu renaissance stimulated by Christianity.(83) Sociologist Chung Chai-sik has written on how progressive Koreans in the late nineteenth century deliberately accepted American missionaries as agents of modernization.(84) H. K. Barpujari developed an important study of Baptist missionaries among the Assamese. He showed how through their mission work, translation work, and study of the people's culture, missionaries played a vital role in the identity formation and rejuvenation of the Assamese in Northeast India.(85) Studies of missionaries by indigenous scholars demonstrate convincingly how the values and practices offered by missionaries were used by converts for their own ends; converts were not passive victims of a monolithic American imperialism.(86)
The influence of American missionaries on indigenous evangelism and church-planting in non-Western cultures is another topic addressed by indigenous church historians. To take the influence of American Protestant missions on South African churches as but one example, two works by South Africans have traced the influence of conservative American missionaries on the founders of black Zionist churches.(87) A Rhodes University dissertation dealing with the American sources of Indian Pentecostalism in South Africa was written by Gerald John Pillay.(88) In 1992, the influence of American Methodism on black Methodism in South Africa was explored in an article by South African missiologist Daryl M. Balia. Balia showed how the famous revivals of American Methodist William Taylor were in fact dependent on the indigenous preacher Charles Pamla.(89) Increasingly, works on church-planting written by indigenous historians show that American missionaries interacted with and were dependent on indigenous Christians for their success in evangelism. The "lone ranger" Western missionary capable of single-handedly evangelizing thousands of people was a rare or nonexistent phenomenon.
The new era of world Christianity demands that American mission history be considered as part of a whole, as part of the dynamic interplay of cultures and religions that characterizes our world today. The global nature of Christianity in many ways gives a greater urgency to the study of Protestant mission history than it has had previously. There is a greater legitimacy in the academy to studying American foreign missions today than there was twenty five years ago, a factor perhaps of the dawning realization that Christianity is global and that mission history can provide an entree into the larger reality.
Increasingly, Protestant foreign missions are being studied by international teams of scholars who bring with them expertise in various languages and histories that American historians often lack. One example of the team-based approach is the projected eight-volume study to be called "Christianity in Its Religious Contexts," to be edited by patristics scholar Frederick Norris along with seven others. The project seeks to examine how Christian mission has interacted with other religions, and how other religions shaped Christianity at points of initial contact. Missiologists Andrew Walls of the Centre for the Study of Christianity in the Non-Western World (University of Edinburgh) and Lamin Sanneh of Yale Divinity School have held a series of consultations bringing together American with European mission historians, along with secular historians in related fields. Sinologist Daniel Bays of the University of Kansas is heading a project funded by the Pew Charitable Trusts to create a database of pre-1949 Christianity in China. Chinese and American scholars are working collaboratively to make the database possible, which, when completed, will be a valuable addition to what exists in Western mission archives. In another major Pew-funded, team-based project, Indologist Robert Frykenberg of the University of Wisconsin is coordinating research into Christianity in South India, including transcultural interactions between Indian and Western Christians. Although American Protestant foreign missions constitute only one aspect of the projects listed here, they will be analyzed in broader contexts and by people from the so-called receiving end as well as the sending end of missionary activity.
In the nineteenth century, foreign missions captured the imagination of American Protestants and turned their eyes toward the rest of the world. In the twentieth century, North American Protestantism became one of the most powerful forces for world mission in the history of Christianity. In the twenty-first century, American Protestant foreign missions must take their place as part of a larger world that they helped to create, but that they can neither organize nor control.
Directions for Further Research
The journey from "mission" to "beyond missions," from unitary interpretation of the American missionary enterprise toward decentralized and pluralistic interpretations, is a welcome trend in the historiography of American Protestant missions since World War II. A rebirth of mission history that includes denominational missions but is more inclusive than the old formulas has the potential to reimage the history of American Protestantism. The essence of American Protestantism--a crucial source of its vitality--has lain in what William Hutchison and others have called its activism; at many times in American history, Protestant activism and missions were coterminous. Even in periods of relatively reduced missionary activity, foreign missions represented the cutting edge of theological application, international relations, and conscious cultural interaction on the part of American Protestants.
In addition to what it shows about American Protestantism, mission history can be used as a prism through which to illuminate many aspects of American culture. Freed from its prison as a subject of interest only in theological seminaries and Bible colleges, the history of Protestant missions needs to be taken in new directions, some of which have already been suggested by the scholarship reviewed above. In international perspective, the study of American foreign missions provides a bridge to Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Just as transatlantic dialogue with Europe in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries mediated cultural change and provided a mirror for American self-understanding, so has traffic with Asia, Africa, and Latin America increasingly defined North America in the twentieth century. Not only have missionaries carried American culture abroad, but they also have been the chief interpreters of non-Western culture in churches and communities throughout the heartland of America. There is urgent need to study missionaries as messengers of non-Western culture, critics of American foreign policy, and mirrors reflecting American identity for the "folks back home."
In significant ways, foreign missionaries have created America's image of the rest of the world in the twentieth century. The number of missionary children who have become seminary professors, shapers of American foreign policy, or leaders in international business has often been noted but seldom studied. As multicultural elites, foreign missionaries have played a major role out of proportion to their actual numbers in the conduct of the United States abroad. The American obsession with communism in the 1950s, for example, needs to be studied in relation to the missionary mediators who were critics of anti-Christian or Marxist political systems. The influence of anti-Communist former China missionaries should be balanced against that of a missionaries who supported the nationalist struggles of indigenous peoples, such as the efforts of Ho Chi Minh. The "missionary factor" in mid-twentieth-century foreign policy is but one area that needs critical scholarly analysis.
The development of international ethical movements around such issues as world peace and human rights cannot be understood apart from missionary influence. Another neglected area of research in mission history is the role played by foreign missions in the pacifism and focus on world friendship that emerged between the two world wars. The extensive dialogue between Protestant women in the United States and Japan prior to World War II is but one small example of an important but unstudied contribution of foreign missions to internationalism. The full story of missions and refugee relief has never been told. Missions have frequently been analyzed in relation to American nationalism. Unexamined but equally important is the contribution made by missions to internationalism and America's ability to transcend its own narrow self-interest.
In the theological arena, the nexus among mission theory, missionary thought, and American understanding of non-Christian religions has been seriously neglected. Changing American attitudes to non-Christian religions could be charted by reviewing missionary literature of the past century. Although formal interfaith dialogue would not exist without the centuries of missionary effort that have gone before, theologians, philosophers, and comparativists seldom acknowledge that the groundwork for their study was laid by the very missionaries they sometimes denigrate.(90) Sound historical scholarship on the relationship of missions to interfaith understanding is needed to correct the unidimensional portrait that now exists.
Study of mission institutions in their social contexts is another area desperately needing research. In the early twentieth century, American mainline Protestants supported seven interdenominational women's institutions of higher learning in China, Japan, and India, as well as thousands of lower-level schools. Western medical practice was mediated to the rest of the world by missionaries, and mission discoveries in the field helped to change the Western understanding of disease and treatment. The impact of missionary institutions on their social, economic, and cultural contexts on both sides of the water has yet to be analyzed, although a beginning is being made in current doctoral-level research. Missionary institutions are an unexplored source of important transcultural interactions and social change.
As areas of further research into American Protestant foreign missions are mapped out, and the complex and diverse picture of American Protestant missions takes shape, the historiographic task will of necessity revolve around interpretation. Taken in its fullness, what has the mission impulse meant for American Protestantism and for American culture, society, and theology? How has the mission experience, broadly defined, affected the larger course of American history and of world history? In 1964, R. Pierce Beaver unrealistically prophesied in From Missions to Mission a future for Protestant missions that flowed from ecumenical unity and confidence. But despite his failure as a prophet, his assessment of missionary historiography made in 1968 still stands today. Writing for a study called Reinterpretation in American Church History, Beaver noted of American mission history that interpretation needed to take place before reinterpretation could occur.(91)
A generation after Beaver, the tools for interpretation are being shaped and honed. The historiographic task began with denominational missions and from there proceeded to mission. Following a narrowing of historical interest in mission, mission studies collapsed in the late 1960s. The last decade has seen a revival of mission history with the growing realization that it has the potential to enliven numerous other fields of inquiry and to provide an entree into non-Western Christianity. At last the historiography of Protestant foreign mission is maturing, growing through adolescence into adulthood, through and beyond missions to perspectives that may reveal the global historical significance of American Protestant foreign missions for the first time.
1. Kenneth Scott Latourette, A History of the Expansion of Christianity, 7 vols. (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1937-45). Even Latourette's magisterial history of the expansion of Christianity, which sought to transcend denominational boundaries, is largely a compilation of various denominational histories.
2. Ralph Henry Gabriel, The Course of American Democratic Thought: An Intellectual History Since 1815 (New York: Ronald Press, 1940).
3. Miller's essay was reprinted in a book of his essays entitled Errand into the Wilderness (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, Belknap Press, 1956).
4. See R. Pierce Beaver, Ecumenical Beginnings in Protestant World Mission: A History of Comity (New York: Thomas Nelson & Son, 1962); William Richey Hogg, Ecumenical Foundations: A History of the International Missionary Council and Its Nineteenth Century Background (New York: Harper, 1952); Robert T. Handy, We Witness Together: A History of Cooperative Home Missions (New York: Friendship Press, 1956).
5. Robert Handy, A Christian America: Protestant Hopes and Historical Realities (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1971), pp. 135, 139.
6. Paul H. Varg, Missionaries, Chinese, and Diplomats: The American Protestant Missionary Movement in China, 1890-1952 (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1958), p. ix.
7. Kenneth MacKenzie, The Robe and the Sword: The Methodist Church and the Rise of American Imperialism (Washington, D.C.: Public Affairs Press, 1961).
8. John A. Andrew III, Rebuilding the Christian Commonwealth: New England Congregationalists and Foreign Missions, 1800-1830 (Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1976).
9. Joseph L. Grabill, Protestant Diplomacy and the Near East: Missionary Influence on American Policy, 1810-1927 (Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1971).
10. Rosa del Carmen Bruno-Jofre, Methodist Education in Peru: Social Gospel, Politics, and American Ideological and Economic Penetration, 1888-1930 (Waterloo, Ont.: Wilfrid Laurier Univ. Press, 1988).
11. Kenton Clymer, Protestant Missionaries in the Philippines, 1898-1916: An Inquiry into the American Colonial Mentality (Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1986).
12. Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., "The Missionary Enterprise and Theories of Imperialism," in The Missionary Enterprise in China and America, ed. John K. Fairbank (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1974), pp. 336-73.
13. William R. Hutchison," A Moral Equivalent for Imperialism: Americans and the Promotion of 'Christian Civilization,' 1880-1910," in Missionary Ideologies in the Imperialist Era: 1880-1920, ed. Hutchison and Torben Christensen (Aarhus, Denmark: Christensens Bogtrykkeri, 1982), pp. 167-78, quotation on p. 174.
14. Among secular historians, sinologists have made the greatest use of American missionary documentation to illuminate their field of research and thus represent an exception to the academic neglect of missions. Some of the best scholarly studies of American missionaries both collectively and individually are by sinologists. In particular, the research of Harvard professor John King Fairbank and of his students and followers represents the finest body of work that analyzes the role of missions in relation to foreign policy, American nationalism, internationalism, and cultural interaction. Fairbank's interest in the "missionary factor" transformed the history of United States-China relations. For valuable studies of American Protestant missions in China, see, for example, Paul A. Cohen, China and Christianity: The Missionary Movement and the Growth of Chinese Antiforeignism, 1860-1870 (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1963); Kwang-Ching Liu, ed., American Missionaries in China: Papers from Harvard Seminars (Cambridge: Harvard Univ., East Asian Research Center, 1966); James C. Thomson, While China Faced West: American Reformers in Nationalist China, 1928-1937 (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1969); Shirley S. Garrett, Social Reformers in Urban China: The Chinese Y.M.C.A., 1895-1926 (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1970); Sidney A. Forsythe, An American Missionary Community in China, 1895-1905 (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1971); Jessie Gregory Lutz, China and the Christian Colleges, 1850-1950 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univ. Press, 1971); John K. Fairbank, ed., The Missionary Enterprise in China and America (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1974); Ellsworth C. Carlson, The Foochow Missionaries, 1847-1880 (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1974); Philip West, Yenching University and Sino-Western Relations, 1916-1952 (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1976); James Reed, The Missionary Mind and American East Asia Policy, 1911-1915 (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1983); Suzanne Wilson Barnett and John King Fairbank, eds., Christianity in China: Early Protestant Missionary Writings (Cambridge: Harvard Univ., Committee on American-East Asian Relations of the Department of History, with the Council on East Asian Studies, 1985); Jessie Gregory Lutz, Chinese Politics and Christian Missions: The Anti-Christian Movements of 1920-28 (Notre Dame, Ind.: Cross Cultural Publications, 1988).
15. See Clifton Phillips, "The Student Volunteer Movement and Its Role in China Missions, 1886-1920," in The Missionary Enterprise in China and America, ed. John K. Fairbank (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1974), pp. 91-109; Valentin H. Rabe, The Home Base of American China Missions, 1880-1920 (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1978).
16. R. Pierce Beaver, "North American Thought on the Fundamental Principles of Missions During the Twentieth Century," Church History 21, no. 4 (1952): 3-22; "Eschatology in American Missions," in Basileia. Walter Freytag zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. J. Hermelink and H. J. Margull (Stuttgart: Evang. Missionsverlag, 1959), pp. 60-75.
17. R. Pierce Beaver, ed., To Advance the Gospel: Selections from the Writings of Rufus Anderson (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1967).
18. R. Pierce Beaver, ed., Pioneers in Mission: The Early Missionary Ordination Sermons, Charges, and Instructions (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1966).
19. R. Pierce Beaver, "Missionary Motivation Through Three Centuries," in Reinterpretation in American Church History, ed. Jerald Brauer (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1968), pp. 113-51.
20. R. Pierce Beaver, Church, State, and the American Indians (St. Louis, Mo.: Concordia Publishing House, 1966); "Methods in American Missions to the Indians in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries," Journal of Presbyterian History 47, no. 2 (1969): 124-48; and "The Churches and the Indians: Consequences of 350 Years of Missions," in American Missions in Bicentennial Perspective, ed. Beaver (Pasadena, Calif.: William Carey Library, 1977), pp. 275-331.
21. J. A. DeJong, As the Waters Cover the Sea: Millennial Expectations in the Rise of Anglo-American Missions, 1640-1810 (Kampen: Kok, 1970).
22. Charles Chaney, The Birth of Missions in America (South Pasadena, Calif.: William Carey Library, 1976).
23. Charles Forman, "A History of Foreign Mission Theory," in American Missions in Bicentennial Perspective, ed. R. Pierce Beaver (Pasadena, Calif.: William Carey Library, 1977), pp. 69-140.
24. Roger Bassham, Mission Theology, 1948-1975: Years of Worldwide Creative Tension: Ecumenical, Evangelical, Roman Catholic (Pasadena, Calif.: William Carey Library, 1979).
25. Gerald H. Anderson, "The Theology of Missions: 1928-1958" (Ph.D. diss., Boston Univ., 1960).
26. For example, see Dana L. Robert, "The Origin of the Student Volunteer Watchword," International Bulletin of Missionary Research 10, no. 4 (1986): 146-49; Nathan D. Showalter, "Crusade or Catastrophe? The Student Missions Movement and the First World War," ibid. 17, no. 1 (1993): 13-17.
27. Gerald H. Anderson, "American Protestants in Pursuit of Mission: 1886-1986," in A Century of Church History: The Legacy of Philip Schaff, ed. Henry Warner Bowden (Carbondale: Southern Illinois Univ. Press, 1988), pp. 168-215, reprinted in the International Bulletin of Missionary Research 12, no. 3 (1988): 98-118.
28. Gerald H. Anderson, "Mission Research, Writing, and Publishing: 1971-1991," International Bulletin of Missionary Research 15, no. 4 (1991): 165-72.
29. William R. Hutchison, Errand to the World: American Protestant Thought and Foreign Missions (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1987).
30. Norman Etherington, "An American Errand into the South African Wilderness," Church History 39, no. 1 (1970): 62-71.
31. Andrew Walls, "The American Dimension in the History of the Missionary Movement," in Earthen Vessels: American Evangelicals and Foreign Missions, 1880-1980, ed. Joel Carpenter and Wilbert Shenk (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1990), pp. 1-25.
32. Walter L. Williams, Black Americans and the Evangelization of Africa, 1877-1900 (Madison: Univ. of Wisconsin Press, 1982).
33. Sylvia M. Jacobs, ed., Black Americans and the Missionary Movement in Africa (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982). Jacobs has written articles on the missiological contributions of African-American women, including "Three Afro-American Women: Missionaries in Africa, 1882-1904," in Women in New Worlds: Historical Perspectives on the Wesleyan Tradition, vol. 2, ed. Rosemary Keller, Louise Queen, and Hilah Thomas (Nashville: Abingdon, 1982), pp. 268-80; and "Their 'Special Mission': Afro-American Women as Missionaries to the Congo, 1894-1937," in Black Americans, ed. Jacobs, pp. 155-76.
34. David W. Wills and Richard Newman, eds., Black Apostles at Home and Abroad: Afro-Americans and the Christian Mission from the Revolution to Reconstruction (Boston: G. K. Hall, 1982).
35. Sandy D. Martin, Black Baptists and African Missions: The Origins of a Movement, 1880-1915 (Macon, Ga.: Mercer Univ. Press, 1989).
36. James T. Campbell, "Our Fathers, Our Children: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford Univ., 1989). See also an earlier dissertation by Josephus R. Coan, "The Expansion of the Missions of the African Methodist Episcopal Church in South Africa, 1896-1908" (Ph.D. diss., Hartford Seminary, 1961).
37. David M. Dean, Defender of the Race: James Theodore Holly, Black Nationalist Bishop (Boston: Lambeth Press, 1979); Leroy Fitts, Lott Carey: First Black Missionary to Africa (Valley Forge, Pa.: Judson Press, 1978); Wilson Jeremiah Moses, Alexander Crummell: A Study of Civilization and Discontent (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1989); John R. Oldfield, Alexander Crummell (1819-1898) and the Creation of an African-American Church in Liberia (Lewiston, N.Y.: E. Mellen Press, 1990); Stephen Ward Angell, Bishop Henry McNeal Turner and African-American Religion in the South (Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1992); William E. Phipps, The Sheppards and Lapsley: Pioneer Presbyterians in the Congo (Louisville, Ky.: Presbyterian Church, USA, 1991).
38. For example, see Ann Fienup-Riordan, The Real People and the Children of Thunder: The Yup'ik Eskimo Encounter with Moravian Missionaries John and Edith Kilbuck (Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1991).
39. See G. W. Peters, Foundations of Mennonite Brethren Missions (Hillsboro, Kans.: Kindred Press, 1984); Elaine Rich, Mennonite Women: A Story of God's Faithfulness, 1683-1983 (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1983); Theron Schlabach, Gospel Versus Gospel: Mission and the Mennonite Church, 1863-1944 (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1980); George F. Hall, The Missionary Spirit in the Augustana Church (Rock Island, Ill.: Augustana Historical Society, Augustana College, 1984); Albert T. Ronk, History of Brethren Missionary Movements (Ashland, Ohio: Brethren Church, 1971); and James C. Juhnke, A People of Mission: History of General Conference Mennonite Overseas Missions (Newton, Kans.: Faith and Life Press, 1979).
40. For example, see Martin Schrag, "Societies Influencing the Brethren in Christ Toward Missionary Work," Notes and Queries in Brethren in Christ History, January 1967, pp. 1-12.
41. Joel A. Carpenter, "Propagating the Faith Once Delivered: The Fundamentalist Missionary Enterprise, 1920-1945," in Earthen Vessels, ed. Carpenter and Wilbert Shenk (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1990), pp. 92-132.…