The emplantation of Christianity in Korea over the last two centuries, and particularly of Protestantism from the late 1800s, has resulted in the creation of a Christian community that accounts for about a quarter of the population of the Republic of Korea. Missionary and local Christian involvement in the creation of schools, hospitals, the independence movement, the movement for democracy, fair treatment for workers, equality for women, and other important social and political issues is well known and is widely discussed. This involvement in contemporary affairs attests to the dynamism and vigor of Christianity as a significant element in Korean society.
One aspect of this engagement with Korean culture has received little attention, namely, the impact that Protestant Christianity has had on the other religious traditions of Korea, including Roman Catholicism. I propose to examine the formal and informal influence Protestantism has had on these other religious traditions, an impact that would not have been possible apart from the successful emplantation of Protestant Christianity in Korean culture.
The process of transmitting a religion from an alien culture to a new cultural context requires a three-stage process of development if it is to become truly emplanted in the soil of the new culture: (1) contact and explication, (2) penetration, and (3) expansion. In the first stage, exponents of the new religion are principally concerned with the primary explication of the tenets of their faith in terms that are comprehensible in the cultural norms of the receptor culture. In the second stage, it is recognized that the new religion has become established, at however small a numerical level, as a feature of the host culture and society. In the third stage, the new religion has become a major feature of the culture and society and enters into a stage of contention with other religious traditions that may lead either to a state of preeminence over the other traditions or a state of complementary equilibrium. 
Research on Protestant church history in Korea has demonstrated that Protestantism achieved a state of penetration in Korean culture by the middle of the twentieth century. It reached the point where it had become a dynamic religious force within modern Korean culture, and it has now entered into a stage of growth and contention with the other religious traditions of Korea. 
The influence Protestantism has exercised on the other religious traditions of Korea is threefold: (1) competitive stimulation, (2) emulation and modeling, and (3) the acceptance or utilization of distinctly Christian religious concepts. By competitive stimulation, I refer to the rapid numerical growth of Protestant Christianity acting as a stimulus to the other religious groups to create proselytization movements to increase the size of their own membership. By emulation and modeling, I refer to the use by leaders in non-Protestant religious groups of the forms of Protestant worship, activities, and evangelistic movements in their own religious practice and proselytization. The third form of Protestant influence on other Korean religious traditions refers to the extent to which particularly Christian or indeed Protestant theological concepts have been adopted. This influence may be evidenced at a purely formal and superficial level or at a deep, inner level resulting in the restructuring or reformulating of beliefs. Of the three forms of influence, the third type represents the most profound level of cultural impact. Although all three of these forms of religious influence may be shown to have affected non-Protestant religious traditions, not all traditions have been influenced by Protestantism in all three ways. 
Protestant Impact on Roman Catholicism
Having begun in the late eighteenth century, the history of Roman Catholicism in Korea is considerably longer than Protestant history. For nearly half of its history the Roman Catholic Church suffered severe government repression as a socially and politically subversive body. The severity and duration of the suppression had two interrelated effects. Beginning with the first major suppression of Catholic Christians in 1800, the character of the church changed from being principally the religious practice of certain members of the elite sector of society to being a religious movement among the poorest and most rejected members of the late Choson era (1392-1910). Second, the suppression created a ghetto mentality among the membership, a deeply ingrained sense of the need to hide or cover up adherence to this proscribed religion. Consequently, many early Catholics literally hid themselves by fleeing to remote mountainous parts of the peninsula or disguised their true class status and religious beliefs by becoming members of one of the despised orders of society. 
The first seventy-five years of Catholic history, dominated by repression and the fear of persecution, influenced the development of the church well into the middle of the twentieth century. When, in the late nineteenth century, the Christian community was finally freed of the fear of governmental suppression, the Roman Catholic Church in Korea did engage in missions and evangelism, but significant numerical growth did not take place until the late 1950s and the early 1960s. From the 1890s onward, records show both a steady increase in the membership of or adherence to the church and the absence of any significant periods of decline in membership. Nevertheless, the proportional representation within the national population remained constant at 0.5 to 0.6 percent from 1914 to the late 1950s. These figures contrast with those for Protestants during the same period, which, while giving evidence of at least two periods of disaffection, show that Protestantism tripled its proportional representation within the na tional population, from 1.2 percent to 3.7 percent. By the end of the 1960s, this figure had nearly doubled, to 6.0 percent. To use my terms of analysis, the Protestant community in Korea had achieved a position of penetration within Korean culture and society sometime in the early 1950s, from which point it began a very significant period of percentage growth within the national population that lasted well into the 1980s. It was during this period of remarkable Protestant growth that the Roman Catholic Church for the first time began to show both numerical and percentage growth. In my view, these two facts are closely related. 
One factor that I believe hindered the growth of the Roman Catholic Church was its ghetto mentality. By the 1960s three factors had come together to break down this ghetto mentality and create within the Catholic community fervor for evangelism that continues today. In fact, recent statistics show the Roman Catholic Church in Korea growing at a somewhat faster rate than Protestantism as a whole. The three factors are (1) the visibility and acceptability of Protestant Christianity, (2) the effect of the teachings of the Second Vatican Council, and (3) the onset of rapid urbanization and industrialization.
The significantly increased size of the Protestant Christian community in the 1950s, Protestantism's clear relationship to patriotic issues, and the dominance of Protestant Christians on the political scene (however one evaluates their character and the effect of their work) made Christianity not only distinctly visible in the nation but acceptable in a positive sense. This factor must have given many Catholics the sense that it was all right to be Christian and to want to express and share their faith. At the same time, the Second Vatican Council dramatically changed the Tridentine Catholic view of the world, especially the church's view of other Christian denominations and other religions. The views of the Second Council led to a greater ecumenicity and a desire to be involved with other Christian groups. These two factors came together to create an ethos that made significant national evangelism an acceptable and desirable goal.
Concurrently, the nation began its race to become one of the major industrial states of the world, changing from an essentially rural nation to one that is urban, from an agricultural nation to one that is industrial. This change meant massive dislocation of the population from a rural to an urban setting and impoverishment of large parts of the population. The dispossessed urban proletariat provided a major field for national evangelism for the Roman Catholic Church, as it did also for the Protestant churches. I would only point out in passing that, to the shame of many of the Protestant churches, the Catholic Church has never lost the memory of its origins among the dispossessed members of society and has made evangelism and ministry among the poor a primary focus of the work of the church. 
From my perspective, the influence of Protestantism on Catholicism has been principally at the level of competitive stimulation--the sense that if members of one branch of Christianity could openly and vigorously work to expand their membership, Catholics could too. One might also argue that developments in style of worship--instrumental and vocal music, alternatives to the traditional emphasis on the Mass, more deliberate approaches to evangelism--owe more to Protestant models than Catholic origins. Nonetheless, the principal Protestant influence on Roman Catholicism has been stimulus through example, the breaking down of the ghetto mentality that in turn has led to the significant and ongoing growth of the church.
Protestant Impact on Buddhism
Buddhism, established in the Korean peninsula in the era of the Three Kingdoms (fourth to seventh centuries), had by the end of the Choson period begun to atrophy. This decline was due largely to the general policy of suppression and control of Buddhism implemented from the beginning of the dynasty in order to eliminate heterodox teachings and to create a thoroughly Confucian state and society. At several points during the long history of the Choson state, there were outright attempts to eradicate Buddhism entirely. The effect of five hundred years of anti-Buddhist policy was the general decline in the standards of monastic discipline and knowledge of Buddhist teachings, and the effective elimination of intellectual leadership from within the Buddhist community. Whereas under the Koryo period (918-1392) the leadership of the Buddhist community came from the elite sector of society, in the Choson period Buddhist monks were grouped together with butchers and prostitutes in the untouchable class. Sympathetic for eign observers of Korean Buddhism at the end of the nineteenth and at the beginning of the twentieth centuries felt that its situation was so dire that Buddhism would disappear at some point in the not too distant future. 
Buddhism, however, has not disappeared from Korea. The most recent census statistics show that at least 30 percent of the Korean population claims adherence to Buddhism or one of its syncretistic sects. Anyone acquainted with Buddhism in Japan and Korea will be familiar with the fact that in Korea traditional monastic Buddhism is more vigorous and active than its Japanese counterpart. What factors are to account for this volte-face in the condition of Buddhism in Korea? Although the dramatic and rapid growth of Christianity in Korea has become the subject of much academic and popular discourse, the reversal in the fortunes of Korean Buddhism has gone practically unobserved by the academic world.
In the recent century of Buddhism in Korea, I see three principal factors at work: (1) assistance from the Japanese colonial government (1910-45), represented by the Government-General of Chosen; (2) an indigenous reform movement for the revival of monastic Buddhism; and (3) the development and growth of lay Buddhism and lay Buddhist movements.
The Japanese colonial regime was clearly worried about the numbers of Protestant Christians involved in patriotic and nationalistic movements and by the continued growth of the Protestant Christian community. It became a policy of the colonial government to promote Buddhism as a countervailing force to the growth of Protestantism and Christianity in general. Various measures were undertaken, including the institutional reorganization of the Buddhist "church" to regularize and standardize bureaucratic procedures. Aside from the proclaimed purpose of regularizing organized Buddhism, these institutional reforms had the twofold effect of making it easier for the regime to control the Buddhist community and making it comparable to Buddhism in Japan, thus creating greater homogeneity throughout the empire. To ensure that the Buddhist community had financial and capital security vis-a-vis Protestant Christianity, the colonial government gave large tracts of lands to the monasteries, ensuring that these communities remained wealthy down to the present day. These two factors alone, institutional reorganization and the donation of significant tracts of land, regenerated institutional Buddhism so that it was able to reclaim a physical state it had not possessed possibly since the fifteenth century.
Japanese colonial support of Buddhism was not only at the institutional or organizational level. Many of the Buddhist movements and institutions that were prominent in the push for the modernization of the religion had the overt or covert financial support of the colonial regime. For example, many of the Buddhist magazines and journals of that era, including those associated with the nationalistic and modernizing monk Manhae (1879-1944), were funded by the Japanese colonial government. 
The factor of the support of the colonial government alone would not, and cannot, explain the sustained revival of Buddhism in Korea. This revival is the result principally of two factors internal to Korean Buddhism: the revival of orthodox monastic Buddhism and the appearance of lay movements. The purification and revival of monastic discipline, practice, and the intellectual study of Buddhist doctrines can be attributed in part to the efforts of the monk Kyongho (1849-1912). However, although one can talk at great length about what he did to revive Buddhist monastic life, and however important monastic life is to an understanding of traditional Buddhism, I believe the revival of Buddhism in Korea is principally due to the emergence of lay movements
beginning from the second decade of the twentieth century. The influence of Protestant Christianity is to be found here particularly. One of the major differences between the Protestant and Roman Catholic forms of Christianity is the emphasis placed on the work of the laity in administering the churches and in carrying out the ministry of the church. Protestant churches are essentially lay-run institutions. However important the ministers are in the scheme of things, deacons, elders, and others in lay leadership play an essential role in the life and ministry of the church. In addition, parachurch institutions, such as the Young Men's Christian Association, have grown up to provide Christian fellowship and promote evangelism.
It was the idea of the laity that seems to have most inspired the Korean Buddhists early in the last century. From the second decade onward, the history of Buddhism in Korea is filled with the creation of various Buddhist youth movements and lay groups and the holding of Buddhist lay conferences. These developments testify to the emergence of an organized lay Buddhist community that existed separately from the monastic communities that formerly were centers of Buddhist practice and life. As lay Christians focused Christian life in contemporary society, so too did the participation of the Buddhist laity shift the focus of Buddhist life from the confines of the monastery to contemporary society. With the stabilization and regularization of institutional monastic Buddhism, early twentieth-century Korean Buddhists must have sensed an element of competition with the rapidly developing new religion, Protestant Christianity. This sense of competition would have been a stimulus that caused them consciously or uncons ciously to model their program for the advance of Buddhism along the lines of the two most distinctive features of Protestant Christianity--the idea of the laity and lay movements. 
The extent to which monastic and lay Buddhism has been influenced by Protestantism is striking. The development of the laity as the principal bearers of Buddhism is an obvious example, but specific examples of influence on religious practice can also be described. The use of hymns with tunes borrowed from Protestantism, prayers used in daily life, for instance at mealtimes, may be cited, along with youth and high school student associations that meet under the tutelage of a monk at precisely the time on a Saturday afternoon when local Christian youth meetings are held. Protestant Christian models continue to provide a source of inspiration for the Buddhist leadership, perhaps the most notable of which was the creation of the Buddhist Broadcasting System in the early 1990s along the lines of the Christian Broadcasting System established in the 1950s. Thus, not only was the movement for a modernized Buddhism stimulated by the presence of a strong laity and vigorous lay movements within Protestant Christianity, but also many of the very forms of modernized Buddhist religious practice and evangelism can also be shown to have been derived from or modeled on Protestant Christian practice. 
Protestant Impact on the New Religions
The first modern syncretistic religion in Korea is Ch'ondo-gyo (Teaching of the heavenly way), which was founded in the 1860s as the result of a vision that the founder, Ch'oe Che-u (1824-64), had of the Ruler of Heaven. It became an important nationalistic and nativistic movement before the collapse of the Choson state and during the Japanese colonial period. Originally called Tonghak (Eastern learning), from its inception the religion contained certain elements of belief and practice borrowed from Christianity. It is not surprising that nativistic types of syncretistic movements should emerge promising a revival in national fortunes at a time of national crisis. Internal corruption and the threat of invasion by foreign powers made nineteenth-century Korea a fertile ground for nativistic movements. For the intelligentsia of the time, among whom Ch'oe Che-u must be counted, growth of the proscribed religion Roman Catholicism must have been seen to be an aspect of foreign imperial power and a threat to the Con fucian traditions of the nation. When Ch'oe was brought before a magistrate to explain his heterodox (by Confucian standards) teaching, he defended himself by saying that what he taught was not sohak (Western learning = Roman Catholicism) but tonghak (Eastern learning). Thus, from the beginning of the modern era, new religious movements in Korea consciously or unconsciously compared and contrasted themselves with the emergent Christian movement. Even at this early stage in the development of Christianity, an element of borrowing by Tonghak from Christianity can be demonstrated. Although the great being who revealed himself to Ch'oe Che-u was usually called San gje, a usage deriving from ancient China (Chinese Shang-ti, Ruler on high), the divine being was also sometimes called Ch'onju (Chinese T'ien-chu, Ruler of heaven), the Roman Catholic term for God in China and Korea. Although not a major influence on the doctrinal teaching of the sect, the adoption of this term shows that the influence of Christianity o n Tonghak in its early stages was not just negative stimulation. 
The effect of Protestantism on Tonghak/Ch'ondo-gyo was even greater, as illustrated by its influence on both the architecture of the sect and its religious practice. In Chosen-no riuji shukyo (The pseudo-religions of Korea), a survey of popular religion in Korea published by the Government-General in 1935, the architecture of the Ch'ondo-gyo places of worship shows a strong similarity to Protestant churches of the same period. The central ecclesiastical building of Ch'ondo-gyo, although built in a Japanized version of baroque architecture, resembles a Protestant church in both its architectural elevations and its interior layout. The plan for the main room in the central hail is laid out like a Korean Protestant church, including a large raised and recessed area at the back where the principal celebrant or ceremonial leader would conduct the ritual.  The sect's "church" in P'yongyang in northern Korea is even more clearly modeled on Protestant lines. The exterior of the building with its sharp rectangula r shape is indistinguishable from the provincial Protestant churches of the time. The picture of the interior showing the congregation seated on the floor also demonstrates another feature that betrays missionary influence--the leaders of the ritual are seated on Western-style chairs and speak from a podium.  This usage of ritual space is identical to that of early Protestant churches such as Chong-dong First Methodist Church in Seoul, built in the 1890s: the congregation sat cross-legged on the floor, the celebrants sat in chairs. Further Christian, if not Protestant, influence can be seen in the architectural form of the central "church" of a break-off of the Ch'ondo-gyo movement, the Sich'on-gyo sect (Religion of serving heaven), which is closely modeled on the Roman Catholic cathedral in the Myong-dong area, Seoul. 
Ch'ondo-gyo ritual usage follows a Christian, and particularly a Protestant, pattern. Services are now held on Sundays, use hymns often set to music drawn from Protestant hymnals, have periods of private prayer, and include an exposition of the Ch'ondo-gyo scripture, the Tonggyong taejon (Great compendium of Eastern scriptures). As is obvious from the list of ritual features given above, Ch'ondo-gyo possesses both a canonical scripture and a book of hymns that are used for the purpose of worship and study. This multidimensional Protestant influence exerted itself, despite the possession by Ch'ondo-gyo and other sectarian groups of a highly nationalistic and nativistic system of beliefs. 
This influence on the formal, overt aspects of the new religions of Korea does not seem to have been translated into significant influence on the doctrines, teachings, and beliefs of these new sects. Chungsan-gyo, which developed at the very end of the last century, is an amalgam of many different religious traditions and is markedly different in one respect from many of the new religious movements of the past century. Unlike most of the new religions, in which the founder claims to have had a vision of a celestial being, the founder of Chungsan-gyo, Kang Ilsun (1871-1909), claimed that he himself was the Ruler of the Nine Heavens, the supreme being. This concept parallels an essential Christian teaching, the incarnation of Christ, and may reflect either Catholic or Protestant teaching on the subject. The idea of incarnation propounded in Chungsan-gyo is linked to a messianic idea that Kang had descended to earth to restore the affairs of the world and to restore Korea to its rightful position in the world. Although this doctrinal element is probably derived from Christianity, it is not described in Christian theological terms but is expressed in nativistic terms. Thus, in the early stages of the growth of these new religions, Christian influence was at the level of the adoption of formal elements without taking on the major theological views of Christianity. 
The Chosen-no riuji shukyo divides the new religions of the first third of the twentieth century into six types: the Tonghak tradition, the Chungsan tradition, the Buddhist tradition, the Confucian tradition, cultic traditions worshiping a particular spirit, and a miscellaneous group. In the 1930s there were no new religious movements that claimed to be a Christian denomination or that had a significant number of beliefs that were closely patterned after Protestant Christianity.  By the 1950s, when Protestant Christianity had become a substantial religious force within Korean society, this situation had changed dramatically. The new religions that emerged or became strong after the liberation of Korea from Japanese rule were "Christian" new religions. In fact, these groups so closely resemble orthodox Christian groups that in theological terms they must be called heresies. Typical among these many groups are the Chondogwan Church (known in English as the Olive Tree Church) and the Unification Church. The founders of both groups had at one time been members of a Presbyterian church. The founder of the Chondo-gwan movement, Pak Taeson, a former elder in a Presbyterian church in Seoul, claimed that his hands had the power to heal through massaging the head of a diseased person. The movement claims to be a Christian church, and its buildings resemble Protestant churches and are easily distinguished because of the large red crosses used to adorn the tower over the entrance to the building. The form of worship, the terms used to talk about their beliefs, and the beliefs themselves are all Christian. Although it does seem to have a strong basis in Korean folk religion, with an emphasis on magical healing, all of the formal structures of the group are modeled on Christian patterns. 
Similarity to a Christian denomination becomes even stronger when we examine the Unification Church. It not only claims to be a church, it claims to be the fulfillment of Christ's ministry on earth. The full name of the sect is the Holy Spirit Association for the Unification of World Christianity, which indicates that the sect claims to be the means by which the unfinished work of Christianity will be brought to completion. The central teaching of the sect is that Christ was unable to fulfill his ministry on earth, namely, the spiritual and physical salvation of humankind. Instead, his early death provided only spiritual salvation. Physical salvation would come from another One, the Lord of the Second Advent. This group not only claims to be a Christian denomination; it claims to be the true fulfillment of all Christian groups. 
A key difference between orthodox Christian churches and these Christian-derived syncretistic groups is in the Christology of the sects. Otherwise, it is not immediately apparent that these two sects are not authentically Christian. In more recent years, other new religious groups, also Christian in nature, have emerged. In 1992 there were several eschatological sects that proclaimed the end of the world on a specified date. The leader of one of these groups, the Tami Missionary Church, urged all his followers to gather together in the church to await the end. He collected large sums of money and was arrested when he attempted to leave Korea.  Other than the fact that such groups have been created in Korea, they are in no way different from similar sects that emerged during the same period in North America or Europe. Thus, by the end of the twentieth century, the influence of Protestant Christianity on the creation of new religions was not simply as a stimulus or model; Protestantism actually provided su bstantial elements of the theology of these sects as well. Influence at the level of belief, the most substantive form of influence, illustrates that Protestantism has become fully emplanted in the cultural soil of Korea.
Protestant Contention with Other Traditions
It is my view that Protestantism during the first two-thirds of the twentieth century was the most dynamic force within the religious culture of Korea, evidenced both by the rapid numerical growth in church membership and by the extent to which it influenced the development of the preexistent religious traditions and of new religious movements of the nation. This influence may have been at the level of competitive stimulation to cause the other traditions to grow or revive, as was the case with Roman Catholicism and Buddhism; at the level of providing a model for outreach and religious practice, as was the case with Buddhism and Ch'ondo-gyo; or at the level of providing religious concepts, as is the case with the contemporary new religions.
Protestantism in Korea has now entered into the third phase of the process of emplantation--contention with other religious traditions. Buddhism, in my view, will prove to be the principal rival in this cultural encounter, both because of the ecumenical rapprochement of the principal Christian traditions (except for the most fundamentalist Protestant bodies) and because the new syncretistic religions tend to follow Protestant practice. Since the late 1980s and early 1990s, there has been a noticeable increase in the tensions between Protestantism and Buddhism. There have been accusations of Christian harassment of Buddhist ceremonies and the destruction of Buddhist religious buildings. Whatever the truth of these accusations, they point to the fact of increased tensions between Christianity perceived as a monolithic religious institution and Buddhism as a similar monolithic entity. Further examples of the perceived competition between these two groups maybe seen in the extent to which the principal Buddhist order, the Chogye-jong, and other groups have engaged in extensive programs of local "evangelism" and have conducted well-planned programs of overseas missions to spread the teachings of Buddhism in both North America and Europe. It is also seen in the creation of such institutions as the Buddhist Broadcasting System to increase Buddhist knowledge among the laity and extend the membership of the Buddhist community.
Based upon historical precedent, the model for emplantation would predict that there are three possible outcomes for this process of contention:
1. significant extension of the membership of Protestant groups, so that Protestantism achieves a state of numerical and spiritual dominance over the religious culture of the nation; or
2. a state of numerical and spiritual equilibrium between Protestantism and Buddhism, where both reach the greatest extent of their numerical expansion; or
3. loss of momentum by Protestantism, which begins a period of numerical (if not spiritual) decline, resulting in a stabilized position of subordination to Buddhism and its related sects.
It is hard to judge what the ultimate historical outcome will be, but it is worth noting that Buddhism is vigorously pursuing a policy similar to church growth and that since the late 1980s Protestantism has ceased to grow in percentage terms within the national population. This may be an indication that Protestantism has reached the upper limit of its growth potential. On the other hand, Roman Catholicism continues to grow. What lies ahead is unclear, but it would appear the Protestantism may lose much of its former dynamism to influence the other religious traditions and movements of Korea.
James H. Grayson, formerly a missionary with the United Methodist Mission in Korea (1971-87), is Director of the Centre for Korean Studies, School of East Asian Studies, University of Sheffield, England. This essay is based upon a paper presented at a conference held at Union Theological Seminary, New York, September 26-27, 1997, and hosted under the joint auspices of Union Theological Seminary and the Korea Society.
(1.) A thorough discussion of the theory of emplantation is found in my book Early Buddhism and Christianity in Korea: A Study in the Emplantation of Religion (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1985). The theory is outlined in chap. 1.
(2.) Ibid, pp. 136-40.
(3.) The ideas presented in this article were first developed in a paper entitled "The Interaction of Buddhism, Christianity, and the New Religions," presented at a seminar held at the School of African and Oriental Studies, University of London, February 11, 1988. It was elaborated and published as "The Impact of Korean Protestant Christianity on Buddhism and the New Religions," Papers of the British Association for Korean Studies 1 (1991):57-73; see especially pp. 58-62. The present article reflects my further thinking on the degree and type of impact Protestant Christianity has had on the religious culture of Korea.
(4.) Don Baker of the University of British Columbia discusses the issue of Catholic isolation from mainstream nineteenth-century Korean society in "From Pottery to Politics: The Transformation of Korean Catholicism," in Religion and Society in Contemporary Korea, ed. Lewis R. Lancaster and Richard K. Payne (Berkeley, Calif.: Univ. of California, institute of East Asian Studies, 1997), pp. 127-68. On pp. 135-36 he concludes that the effect of these severe persecutions was to create a siege or ghetto mentality. Previously I have used the term "ghetto mentality" (Grayson, Early Buddhism, p. 98; Grayson, Korea: A Religious History [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989], p.208) to describe the inward-looking attitude of the early Korean Catholic community that was the result of their suffering and persecution.
(5.) Grayson, Early Buddhism, p. 126.
(6.) Don Baker attributes the radical change in the attitude of the Catholic Church from the 1960s to the 1990s to the advocacy of social involvement enunciated at the Second Vatican Council, the Koreanization of church leadership, and the urbanization of the laity (Baker, "From Pottery to Politics," pp. 159-64). I concur with those observations but would add to those factors the example and stimulus of the large and active Protestant community.
(7.) A description of the policies pursued by the Choson government may be found in Grayson, Korea, pp. 151-54, 172-76, 221. A contemporary, early twentieth-century comment may be found in Charles Allen Clark, Religions of Old Korea (1932; reprint, Seoul: Christian Literature Society of Korea, 1962), pp. 41-43.
(8.) Grayson, Korea, pp. 221-26.
(9.) The importance of lay movements in modern Buddhism is emphasized by Robert E. Buswell, Jr., in "Monastic Lay Associations in Contemporary Korean Buddhism: A Study of the Puril Hoe," in Lancaster and Payne, pp. 101-26. In particular, Buswell stresses the importance of the Christian model as being the source for the Buddhist lay associations, for which there is no precedent in Buddhist history. See pp. 116-18.
(10.) These comments on Buddhist accommodation are based on numerous personal experiences and observations. Buswell, "Monastic Lay Associations," pp. 117-18, describes modern Buddhist lay songs that are based upon Christian hymnody.
(11.) Frits Vos, Die Religionen Koreas (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1977), pp. 189-202, and Grayson, Korea, pp. 234-35.
(12.) These comments are based upon personal observations. For a photograph, see Government-General of Chosen, Chosen-no riuji shukyo (Seoul, 1935), photograph 1.
(13.) Ibid., photographs 2 and 3.
(14.) Ibid., photograph 8.
(15.) Clark, Religions of Old Korea, pp. 155-60; Grayson, Korea, pp.237-39.
(16.) Kang-o Lee, "Jingsan-gyo: Its History, Doctrines, and Ritual Practices," Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch 43 (1967): 28-35; Grayson, Korea, pp. 241-45.
(17.) Government-General of Chosen, Chosen-no riuji shukyo, pp. 1-10.
(18.) Felix Moos, "Leadership and Organization in the Olive Tree Movement," Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch 43 (1967): 11-27; Vos, Die Religionen Koreas, p. 211; Grayson, Korea, pp. 245-47.
(19.) Ch'oi Syn-duk, "Korea's T'ong-il Movement," Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch 43 (1967): 167-89; Grayson, Korea, pp. 247-50.
(20.) During 1992 several pseudochurches predicted the imminent return of Christ. For instance, the Daverra Church predicted the end for October 10; the Tami Missionary Church, October 28. The leader of the latter group was in his late forties; the Daverra Church was led by an eighteen-year-old high school dropout. The history of the last months of these groups may be traced in Korea Newsreview 21, no. 34 (August 22, 1992): 11; no. 35 (August 29, 1992): 10-11; no. 38 (September 19, 1992): 32; no. 40 (October 3, 1992): 11; no. 42 (October 17, 1992): 11; no. 43 (October 24, 1992): 11; and no. 45 (November 7, 1992): 8-9. An op-ed comment appears in no. 46 (November 14, 1992): 33.…