Mexican Parties Agree on Political Reforms Chiapas Rebellion Is Credited with Spurring Pact on Key Steps to Open Electoral Process

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ALTHOUGH face-to-face peace talks are yet to begin, the pressure for reform that the Chiapas rebellion has placed on the Mexican government is already having a profound impact on the politics there.

The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), which has been in power for 64 years, has agreed to a series of unprecedented political concessions to create "a climate favorable to advancing the process of reconciliation in Chiapas," said President Carlos Salinas de Gortari in a nationally broadcast address last week.

On Jan. 27, eight of the nine Mexican political parties agreed to a package of reforms designed to "guarantee clean elections" in August.

Included in the pact are commitments to:

* Impartiality by electoral authorities.

* An external audit of voting rosters.

* Equal access to the media by all parties.

* A ban on the use of public funds by any political party and a post-electoral review of party financing.

* A review of the penal code for laws that restrict political expression.

The pact also opens the door for a special session of Congress to create laws to meet the demands of the pact and the naming of a special attorney general to investigate electoral fraud.

"We are closer than ever to having a guarantee of clean elections," said Cuauhtemoc Cardenas Solorzano, presidential candidate for the center-left Democratic Revolutionary Party.

The accord marks the first time Mr. Cardenas has signed a document that was also signed by PRI party officials since he left the party in 1987. In 1988, Cardenas lost to Salinas in the closest presidential election in Mexican history. Many Mexicans, including Cardenas, have questioned the validity of the 1988 electoral results.

In another major concession, after months of arguing, the PRI agreed to dramatically lower the campaign spending ceiling. The original proposal to put a cap of 650 million pesos (about $211 million) on each political party was dropped to 134 million pesos ($43.5 million).

The major opposition parties, with fewer financial resources than the PRI, pushed unsuccessfully for a 67-million-peso ($21.7 million) limit. Still, analysts see the new spending limit as a significant change in PRI policy.

"There's no way these concessions would have been made without the Chiapas rebellion," says political analyst Arturo Sanchez of the Mexican Institute of Political Studies, a private think tank.

The Chiapas insurrection has also prompted a shuffling of Salinas' Cabinet, the resignation of the governor of Chiapas, the passage of an amnesty law, and a pledge to reform the Chiapas judicial system.

Mr. Sanchez notes the latest changes are not going over well with the old guard within the ruling party, who have resisted previous attempts at electoral reform. One indication of dissension within the ranks, says Sanchez, is that some PRI legislators are saying that the special session of Congress called to deal with issues in the pact and scheduled for the second week of February will not include changes in the electoral law. …