Traditional political history told stories about men and masculine actions performed within narrowly defined political institutions. Political historians equated politics with parliaments and (mainly male) parliamentarians, and thus overlooked political activities that fell outside these parameters. Beginning in the early 1970s, this view of political history was challenged, first by feminist attention to "women's history" and later by the "gender turn" in the social sciences and humanities. In seeking to make visible women's political activities outside conventional masculine institutions, feminist scholarship revised scholarly understandings of what constitutes politics. It thus played an important role in widening the scope of political history, discussed elsewhere in this special issue. With the development of more sophisticated conceptual approaches in the late 1980s and early 1990s, feminist scholars demonstrated the significant place of gender in political discourse and knowledge. Gender was relevant even in high politics and in spaces in which women were absent, as men were also scrutinised as gendered subjects. Feminist work has made rich contributions to key areas of interest for political historians, including political culture; activism and mass protest; nationalism, national identity and nation building; citizenship; the state; and public policy. Feminist histories have been particularly adept in exploring the links between politics and culture, and in uncovering the intersections between the "public" sphere, associated with masculine action, and the feminine "private" sphere, in a manner which critiques and problematises any stark division between the two.
Nevertheless, the influence of feminist scholarship on political history as a narrowly defined field has been less than transformative. While feminist scholars have engaged extensively in work that has enriched understandings of politics and political history, they have often done so from outside the recognised field of political history, and are not identified as "political historians", due in part to the interdisciplinarity of feminist scholarship. This article traces the contributions of feminist scholarship to political history and the reasons these are not always acknowledged, then goes on to consider why recognised political historians--those concerned with mainstream politics-tend not to incorporate gender analysis and insight into their work. It argues that despite the rich potential of political history as a province for feminist analysis, work undertaken within this discrete field often remains blind to feminist perspectives, indicating the enduring influence of restrictive conceptions of politics.
Feminism, the "Gender Turn" and Australian History
The "second wave" of feminist activism saw significant challenges to male-dominated political, social, and cultural structures. Feminism was a driving force in forging new styles of political action and new scholarly understandings of the definition of "politics" and the nature of power. (1) Traditional conceptions of politics focused narrowly on the formal organisation of power in society. The feminist slogan "the personal is political" represented a challenge both to conventional definitions of politics and to socialist/radical understandings of politics that focused on contestations between capital and labour. (2) It forged an understanding--long before anyone cited Foucault--of the ubiquitous, dispersed nature of power and the "political" nature of power relationships in all areas of society including workplaces, trade unions and the family. Feminist scholars continue to politicise a wide range of experiences: "feminist scholarship" is not a homogenous category but points to a very diverse and evolving field encompassing a range of different approaches and concerns, and has included engagements with questions of race, class and sexuality that have problematised the category "woman".
The feminist challenge was reflected in the humanities and social sciences as feminists in the academy contested the androcentric assumptions of their respective disciplines. Journals devoted to feminist scholarship, such as Australia's Refractory Girl (1973) and Hecate (1975), and Women's Studies departments and research centres, were established. Australian history proved a fertile environment for feminist revision. Several important publications in International Women's Year, 1975, set the tone. Anne Summers' Damned Whores and God's Police and Miriam Dixson's The Real Matilda both interrogated the implications of Australia's masculinist national identity and its central place in Australian historiography, while Beverley Kingston's My Wife, My Daughter, and Poor Mary Ann, and Edna Ryan and Anne Conlon's Gentle Invaders: Australian Women at Work, addressed the labour of women and their relationship to the economy. (3) Important documentary collections made historical documents about and written by women publicly available. (4)
While Summers and Dixson challenged mainstream history in order to create a new kind of national history, many of the feminist histories that emerged in the 1970s, often called the "women's history" phase in the development of feminist scholarship, sought only to redress the invisibility of women in standard historical accounts: to write "her-story". While such work made an important contribution, this approach came to be criticised for its tendency to add women into the story without challenging the parameters of that account, and without questioning the lack of importance accorded to women's activities. (5) Nor did these works tend to see masculinity as a useful area of study. The particularised category "women" might now have been found in indices, but "men" certainly never were, as they were not marked or examined as gendered subjects.
These limits were gradually challenged as the concept of gender came to prominence as a new conceptual and theoretical framework for feminist analysis. (6) Gender offered historians the opportunity to move beyond the "addition" of women to traditional history by incorporating the dynamic of gender into all historical analysis and understanding. This approach argued for the centrality of historically specific ideas about sexual difference to all areas of social organisation, including not just family and social history but also the territory of traditional history, namely politics, war, and economics. Influential American historian Joan W. Scott argued for histories that did not describe merely men and women's lives but explored "how the subjective and collective meanings of women and men as categories of identity have been constructed". Employing gender as a lens for analysis recognised that the meanings of sexual difference are often invoked and contested where there is a struggle for power, and are thus discernible "in the course of most of the events and processes studied as history". (7) Gender was regarded, necessarily, as a relational concept: men and women's lives, and masculinities and femininities, could not be studied in isolation from one another. (8)
Political History and the Problem of Categories
While it is generally agreed that the influence of feminist scholarship on Australian history has been marked, at least in comparison to other disciplines, gender remains marginal in general Australian history texts. There have been few attempts at broad-brush overviews that employ gender as a main framework for analysis. (9) This tendency to overlook gender in mainstream historical work is nowhere more apparent than in political history, which in Australia and elsewhere has been a "stronghold of resistance" to questions about women and gender, much like its male-dominated cousin, political science, which has been the subject of sustained critique for its peculiarly enduring intransigence to feminism. (10)
Political history is conventionally defined as the study of the historical operation of state power and policy-making; competition between parties or factions for control over the state, and relations between states. Professional history as it was marked out in the nineteenth century by Leopold von Ranke and his male colleagues was essentially exhausted by high political themes: diplomatic history, constitutional history, and the lives of great men. (11) As historian Edward A. Freeman put it in 1886, "History is past politics". (12) At the heart of such political histories is a traditional view of historical change as being driven by the state, and it is this that distinguishes political history from other categories of historical pursuit such as social history. Political history retains a good measure of status in the profession and in public perceptions of what constitutes "history".
Political histories written today are typically written with wider cultural and social patterns in mind; they are not limited to the manoeuvring of a few key power players, except perhaps in the case of biography. In line with the "women's history" phase of feminist scholarship, efforts have been made to chart and properly recognise those women who sought and occasionally won representation within the Australian parliamentary system in the post-suffrage years, although many of these histories are written not by historians, but by scholars better known for their work in other disciplinary contexts, or from outside the academy. (13) Public history has also shown interest in bringing women in institutional politics out of obscurity. The theme of Women's History Month for 2009, launched by Federal MP Maxine McKew, was "Parliamentary Women" and focused on the first women to sit in the nine Australian parliaments.
Such initiatives, along with biographical accounts of women elected to parliament (again, often written by authors other than historians) have sought to acknowledge the role played by women in party politics. (14) However, they do so without challenging the masculine model of politics and political history, in which only a few women might play an exceptional, incidental role. As I will explore in the latter part of this article, much political history remains "apolitical" in terms of the broader definition of politics that has been so influential in other disciplines since the 1970s. There still exists an assumption among political historians that gender is irrelevant in politics because of its dominance by men, and gender--gendered subjects, gendered discourse--is not often a subject of analysis in the work of recognised political historians. Australian political historians have thus offered little in the way of gendered analyses of institutional politics comparable to some of the better overseas work, such as Rebecca Edwards' account of the importance of ideas about gender to the operation and discourse of party politics in America, or Anna Clark's Struggle for the Breeches (1995), which achieves a similar purpose in respect of Britain's Chartist movement. (15)
The consideration of gender in studying institutional politics is important because gender often operates as a component of political discourse; and because politicians and other political actors perform their gender identity in political life and political process. Politics is thus an important source of representations of masculinity and femininity and a microcosm of gender politics in the broader culture. Scott's work has shown how gender has been a primary mode of signifying relationships of power and thus a vital component of political discourse, such that political history has in many ways been played out in gendered terms. (16) As Edwards has argued, we gain a richer understanding of the presidency of Theodore Roosevelt if we consider the ways in which his code of masculinity and ideas about "manly virtue" informed politics and policy in early twentieth century America. (17) Similarly, male Australian politicians and other political figures have been strongly influenced by historically specific ideals of masculinity. We cannot fully appreciate rural settlement legislation, for example, without reference to the intensely masculinist sense of national identity that revolved around figures like the yeoman, bushman or stockman. Moreover, in male-dominated parliaments, the different ideas and approaches associated with opposing political parties or ideologies are often based in, or reflect, different and conflicting models of masculinity (which are often, in turn, tied up with class identities). (18)
Research that makes men visible as gendered subjects thus has the capacity to deepen our understanding of the operation of power. Some recent work on masculinity has examined the ways in which men in institutional politics or public life expressed and performed their identities as elite, white, masculine citizens. (19) But scholarship dealing explicitly with the operation of masculinities in politics has been scarce in Australia. The few sustained studies of masculinities in Australian history, such as Martin Crotty's Making the Australian Male, have tended towards a cultural approach, being concerned with the cultural construction and elaboration of masculinities through schools and organisations like the Boy Scouts and sports clubs. (20) Much has also been written about the enduring influence of rugged, bush-based ideals of masculinity from the "lone hand" to the Anzac. But these cultural analyses rarely penetrate into the political realm, despite the very evident fact that politics is infused with cultural meaning and its vocabulary. (21)
It should be noted that the question of the influence of feminist and gender perspectives on political history is complicated by the question of what constitutes "political history" and who are the "political historians". Criticisms of the gender-blindness of political history only hold true if we in turn take a narrow view of politics and thus what is classed as "political history". Indeed, this discussion, by addressing the influence of "feminist scholarship" on "political history" arguably perpetuates the artificial separation between the two. But the fact remains that a powerful practical division exists between politics and feminism/women's studies, both in popular understanding and in the academy. Feminist political scientists have been perhaps the most vocal observers of this disjunction. Anne Phillips notes that the conventional definition of politics means that students of politics have "taken this as referring to a domain of public power from which women are largely absent". (22) This narrow definition also holds sway among many publishers, editors and in popular ideas about what political history should "look like". This perception of division is related to the fact that political history, with its long pedigree, represents the "traditional" approach to history and power that feminist scholars (and labour and social historians) rejected in favour of more inclusive approaches.
Despite this divide, and the related perception that feminist historians in a sense left politics behind, feminist historians have made significant and innovative contributions to understandings of political history. But these scholars are not classed as "political historians", and their work is not presented or received as political history. This is partly due to the narrow definition of "politics" discussed above, and the consequent perception of a divide between women's and political history, but it also points to the tendency for histories concerned with gender analysis to be categorised according to their feminist perspective, rather than their broader subject matter. Sawer has observed, for example, that Summers' Damned Whores and God's Police never received a review in The Australian Journal of Political Science (formerly Politics). Historical scholarship addressing what Karen Often refers to as the "enduring political project" of feminism is generally received as a branch of women's history, of limited relevance to politics. It is telling that feminist scholars have felt the need to explicitly assert their status as political historians: Offen's history of European feminism is subtitled "A Political History", while Lake, noting that "Feminism is a politics, not an effect of biology", also explicitly claimed her history of feminism in Australia as "a study in political history". (23)
As Sawer notes, the lack of recognition accorded to feminist contributions to understandings of politics is partly attributable to the fact that feminist analyses tend to cross traditional disciplinary boundaries. (24) The divide between political history and feminist scholarship might also be a legacy of the early association of women's history with social history, which was described as "history with the politics left out". (25) Related to this is the close relationship between gender and cultural studies. If earlier "women's histories" shared many of the methods and concerns of social history, historians of gender have been attracted to the approaches associated with cultural studies, being increasingly interested in textual analysis, relations of power, and discourse, and often focusing on the ways in which gender identities are historically constructed, expressed and represented. (26) The use of cultural approaches has allowed feminist historians to explore, fruitfully, the intersections between culture and politics. It has encouraged a different reading of traditional documentary material, so that sources like the reports of government inquiries or commissions can be interpreted not only in terms of political manoeuvres but as cultural texts. While these cultural approaches are far from being apolitical (cultural politics being centrally concerned with struggles over meaning, imagery, and ideology), they tend to contribute to the perception that there is a gap between current feminist concerns, and still-influential conventional understandings of the "political". Such work tends to be categorised according to its methodological characteristics, as "cultural history" rather than political history. Feminist scholarship suffers, then, from being over-categorised in a sense: in blurring disciplinary boundaries, it finds it difficult to gain a foothold even where it clearly makes contributions.
Politics in Feminist and Gender History
it is something of a paradox that feminist scholarship and political history have been kept at arms length in terms of disciplinary categorisation, given that one of the great achievements of feminist scholarship has been its enriching and expanding of our historical understandings of what constitutes politics. The radical potential of a revised, gendered political history was asserted early by feminist historians, who began to interrogate the masculine construction of the political realm that had gone unmarked in traditional histories. Important Australian feminist histories like Susan Magarey, Sue Rowley and Susan Sheridan's Debutante Nation recognised the masculinist context of key political events and debates in Australian history. (27) Historians interested in gender identified the masculine interests underlying apparently neutral political formations, showing how masculinity has been equated with universals like "human", "mankind", and the interests of "the people" or "citizens". (28) Also critical to feminist critiques from the early 1970s was the concept of a gendered divide between the "public" world of the state, politics and markets and the "private" world of domesticity and childrearing. The ideology of "separate spheres" and its enshrinement in law, custom and political philosophy was essential to early understandings of the limitations placed on women's lives and political participation in Western capitalist societies. (29) Feminist historians recognised, too, that the study of masculinities offered potentially transformative insights into political history, as noted above. As Judith Allen commented, history stands to be "utterly transformed by rigorous and critical interrogation of men as a sex, and of masculinities, precisely because it is so preoccupied with men's lives, activities, experiences, and sense of self'. (30)
Frank Bongiorno comments elsewhere in this special issue that political history is now written about pubs and the street. Among the political activities that were formerly obscured by a narrow, androcentric view of politics, those of women were the most glaring omission. Feminist historians recognised that the impact of women on politics and political change could not be measured by reference to the small number of women who acted through institutional channels. As various scholars have commented, traditional definitions of politics, by obscuring the non-parliamentary activism of women outside the mainstream, have perpetuated a myth that women's political history in Australia is one of failure because women did not, largely, achieve election to parliament. While women did not feature in the masculine domain of parliamentary politics in the post-suffrage years, they developed their own mode of doing politics. Their activities represented not just a political project but an enormously successful one which counts among its achievements significant political, social, economic and civil reforms. (31)
Feminist scholars have uncovered the different political cultures constructed and led by women, and have recognised the political character and achievements of women's activism even where it emanated from groups that were, according to their own understandings, non-political or non-party in character. In this way, feminist history has actively resisted a narrow, male-centred definition of politics by acknowledging the choices made by individual women and women's organisations to forge a different political path, not because they were forced to act on the margins (although the limitations placed on women were undoubtedly a factor in the development of separate, gendered political cultures), but because they nurtured a different vision of political change and how it should be achieved. An influential majority of post-suffrage feminists believed that the goal of their politics should be to represent women and their interests, rather than those of capital or labour, and were adamant that their goals would not be achieved within the constraints of the male-dominated party system. (32) Vida Goldstein, a staunch advocate of the non-party approach, stood for election as an independent candidate for the Senate five times on a platform of representing women's interests: "To my mind the woman's cause--and after all "the woman's cause is man's"--is deserving of as much enthusiasm as the labour cause". (33)
Women's organisations were the main locus of women's political activity in the post-suffrage years. These included older organisations such as the National Council of Women and the Women's Christian Temperance Union, alongside new feminist groups like the Australian Federation of Women Voters (1921), the Women's Service Guilds of Western Australia (1909), the Victorian Women Citizens' Movement (1922) and the United Associations (of Women) in New South Wales (1929). The interwar years, which have often been characterised as "dead years" for the women's movement, can be understood instead as being a "golden age of the woman citizen". (34) Women developed their own political styles and methods of doing politics, using tactics like mass mobilisation, door-to-door canvassing and lobbying to garner influence across party lines. (35) Australian feminists, like their overseas counterparts, developed distinctive political forms and non-partisan political cultures of their own, and they did so not because they were denied the vote (the explanation often given for the development of women's distinctive styles of politics in the United States and elsewhere) but because they saw the development of their own, women-directed policy and political modes as the logical fulfilment of their enfranchisement. (36)
Accordingly, post-suffrage feminists placed their roles as gendered citizens at the centre of their politics--though it is important to note that women's political activism in this period was based not only on gender identity but also on a class and race identity. White middle-class women utilised a "maternalist politics" to justify their activism within a male-dominated polity. As Dianne Davidson and others have argued, one of the major achievements of post-suffrage feminism was the creation of a maternalist welfare state. (37) Casting their activities as extensions of their domestic role as nurturers and moral guardians, middle-class women focused their reforming energies on needy women and children. They sought to make the city a healthier, safer and less alienating space for women and children through campaigns for pure milk, free kindergartens, maternity hospitals, aged-care homes for women, safer working conditions, and also through the creation of "redemptive spaces", including public baths, boarding houses, and playgrounds. (38) The attention of feminist scholars to the gendered political cultures forged by these (mainly) middle-class women required an enlarging of the definition of politics beyond institutional/party confines.
Marian Quartly's work on the Australian Women's National League (AWNL) demonstrates the interrelated nature of her subjects' class and gendered identities of her subjects and the differently gendered character of the political modes they adopted, and should be read alongside Margaret Fitzherbert's recent work on women in the Liberal Party. (39) Quartly's analysis shows how in the AWNL's fight against socialism the "private sphere" became crucial to political outcomes, as indicated in the slogan "The sacredness of property is the security of the home", and ultimately, also, how women's political activities played a critical role in forging a class-based, two-party political system in Australia. (40) Quartly's exploration of the power and influence of the AWNL, along with that of Judith Brett, (41) has demonstrated the ways in which women were not merely "political housekeepers" but were makers of, and markers for, meanings that were of crucial ideological importance for the building of a mass conservative base of support for what would become the Liberal Party.
Pini, Panelli and Dale-Hallett recently noted that feminist political histories recognise not only the diversity of political activities outside institutional politics, but also serve to illustrate that different women or groups of women, for example Indigenous and rural women, might face particular impediments in gaining access to political space or being recognised as political actors. (42) The failure of political history to recognise the political activities of rural women serves to illustrate the narrow definitions of politics that have prevailed in the discipline. Feminist scholars such as Elizabeth Kenworthy Teather and Heather Gunn have explored the (often powerful) political mobilisation of rural women, but this work is published and received as feminist or women's history, and not political history. As Pini, Panelli and Dale-Hallett comment, rural women have made important contributions to mainstream, male-dominated agri-political groups, as well as undertaking activism in women-only groups like the Country Women's Association, but these organisations have received little attention from political historians, due in part to a long cultural and scholarly tradition which has assumed the political conservatism and passivity of rural women. (43)
The attention granted by feminist scholarship to women's extra-parliamentary political activism has underscored the importance of the political space located between formal government institutions and the domestic sphere. (44) A related achievement has been the challenge thus made to the artificial gendered dichotomy of private and public. This scholarship has demonstrated that no rigid boundaries between public and private worlds can do justice to the diversity of political activity and the many spaces in which it might take place. These can include spaces assumed to be exclusively male, such as the Ballarat goldfields, as Clare Wright has shown in her study of the significant role of women in the Eureka Stockade. (45) The notion of "separate spheres" is revealed to be as limiting and limited as the narrow view of politics taken by historians like John Hirst, who in his response to the publication of Grimshaw et al.'s Creating a Nation argued that as the "public" business of defining, defending and ruling the nation has been the work of men, women had little influence in the forging of nationhood. (46) Feminist history has recognised that the "public" and "private" arenas have interacted and shaped each other in crucial ways, and that the private sphere has arguably been as significant as the public in "building the nation". (47)
Women, the State, Citizenship and Nation
Feminist scholarship has also uncovered the ways in which the "private" has come under the purview of the state. Important histories such as Kerreen M. Reiger's The Disenchantment of the Home: Modernising the Australian Family 1880-1940 and Desley Deacon's Managing Gender: The State, the New Middle Class and Women Workers 1830-1930 demonstrated that gender, sexuality and family life are not in reality "private" but operate as arenas of intervention and management on the part of the state. Reiger observed that the efforts of middle-class technical "experts" to modernise and "rationalise" the domestic sphere, as well as sexuality and the reproductive process, represented a structural contradiction within industrial capitalist societies that retained a view of women as symbols of nature, and of the domestic sphere as a haven from the world of capitalist process. Reiger thus contributed to understandings of how professional discourses and state policy worked together to construct ideals of family and sexual difference in the twentieth century. (48) Deacon's work explored the ways in which patriarchal state policy operated to bolster the dependent status of women in the gender order, using the example of the exclusion of women from the New South Wales public service. Deacon claims her study as a political story, but one that concentrates on the role of the state, rather than parties and class struggle: she wants to tell a story beyond "adventurer politicians, an heroic working class and 'Mr Fat' capitalists". (49) As Curthoys and others have noted, this kind of attention to the role of the state in the construction of gender and the shaping of women's lives has been a significant focus of feminist histories in Australia, as well as having a strong hold on feminist political science. (50) Other key areas of interest in this regard have been the control of sexuality, especially during war, and the obsession with Australia's declining birth rate and, around the turn of the century, resultant pronatalism. (51)
A great deal of feminist debate about women and the state in Australia has revolved around women's relationship to democratic political theory and liberalism. In this, Australian feminist historians and political scientists were initially influenced by the claims of Carole Pateman, who argued in The Sexual Contract that the development of democratic politics had been a masculinist activity that operated to bolster domestic patriarchy, and that men and women are positioned differently to citizenship, partly because of the exaggerated division of public and private on which liberalism was founded. (52) Feminist scholars, among them Sawer and Quartly, have argued that Australia's tradition of interventionist social liberalism diverges from Pateman's model, and that liberalism in Australia has in fact offered (white) women opportunities to work within the state structure (first as maternal citizens and later as "femocrats") to achieve their goals. (53) This work has established gender as an important consideration in examining political theory in Australia and its role in shaping political culture. While Tim Rowse's Australian Liberalism and National Character echoed the gender-blindness of earlier nationalist historiography, Stuart Macintyre's A Colonial Liberalism is indicative of the ways in which gender can inform "traditional" areas of interest for political history, where the masculine figures through which these stories are told are interrogated as gendered subjects who operate within gendered political ideologies and social contexts. (54)
The gendered nature of citizenship has been a key concern for feminist historians who have explored the sexually differentiated nature of citizenship in post-Federation Australia. Women's citizenship in this period was predicated on their fulfilment of maternal duties, and masculine citizenship on military service, a distinction affirmed by the First World War and the upholding of the male soldier as the paradigmatic citizen. (55) Citizenship was also a racially constituted category: maternal citizenship was not open to Indigenous women, whose motherhood was discouraged, as Ann McGrath and others have shown. (56) Related to this interest in women's positioning as citizens or national subjects, feminist histories in Australia have been particularly concerned with the nation, the concept of nation building, and nationalism. Women and feminists have often had a problematic relationship with nationalism. (57) However, as described above, after Federation women embraced their citizenship in a spirit of national pride and felt they had a particular, gendered contribution to make to the "humanising" of the state and the creation of a strong and prosperous nation. It was in order to recognise the contributions made by women to the "building" of the nation that Creating a Nation was written in 1994. Its authors sought to identify a national project, and a national past, that was more than a set of institutions established by a handful of prominent male actors. In this way, as Joy Damousi has noted, Creating a Nation sought to transform the enterprise of national history itself, transcending the standard political histories that were "written by men, for men, and consisting of boring anecdotes about Parkes, Deakin, Hughes, Federation and conscription". (58) The authors understood national "creation" as being the result not merely of masculine actions, but of women's agency in many arenas of life, including biological reproduction but also sustaining communities, contributing to national wealth, carving out a place for a different kind of politics, and influencing the process by which the new Commonwealth would be defined as a protectionist welfare state. It showed how women had shaped the nation alongside men, as "self-conscious nation-builders" and national subjects. (59)
Gender at Work
Feminist scholarship has made significant additions, then, to areas that have traditionally been of interest to political historians: the state, citizenship, nationalism and nation building. Another area within the purview of political history, labour history, has been more successful than narrowly defined political history in embracing gender as a key structuring concern, despite its traditional concern with the masculinist world of the trade union movement. As Ann Curthoys noted in 1994, women's history and gender perspectives, combined with social history, have had an important impact on the history of work. As with political history in general, feminist scholarship widened the scope of labour history, pushing its parameters in a way that some interpreted as the "death" of labour history, but others celebrated as a reinvigoration. (60) In 1975 a special issue of Labour History addressed women and work. (61) Ryan and Conlon's Gentle Invaders, released in the same year, examined the implications for women's wages of the early decisions of the Commonwealth Arbitration Court, and particularly Justice Higgins' Harvester Case Judgement of 1907, which assumed "breadwinners" to be male and reinforced the dependent status of women. (62)
Other valuable work in the broad field of women's history traced the history of women as workers in various fields, and their roles in campaigns for equal pay and motherhood endowment. These new contributions to labour history recognised that women's paid labour did not follow men's patterns, because of the importance of the export economy and its effects in terms of the gendering of labour markets. (63) Studies such as Raelene Frances' The Politics of Work in Victoria, 1880-1940 redressed the tendency for trade union histories to ignore the experience of women, and a range of contributions from Frances and others effected a more thorough-going gendering of labour history, including consideration of masculinities. (64) The recent collection Working the Nation, edited by Mark Hearn and Greg Patmore, is an indication of the prominent role of female labour historians and the receptiveness of the field to gender perspectives and analysis. (65)
Political Historians and Gender
Feminist historians have thus broadened our understanding of politics and have made enormously important contributions to political history that are, unfortunately, not always recognised. In this section I examine the problem of how acknowledged "political historians"--those who deal with institutional politics--continue to eschew gendered perspectives and analysis in their work.
Robert Manne's edited collection The Australian Century: Political Struggle in the Building of a Nation illustrates the manner in which many histories that focus on developments within institutional politics remain impervious to gender perspectives. John Docker noted that students who read the volume would learn that men write political histories about men; and that the "backbone" of national narratives is made of such stuff. (66) Docker's observations point to a number of problems that are applicable to mainstream political history. These include a tendency to employ a very narrow definition of politics as something that only happens among mainly male protagonists, and to invest these activities with an over-inflated sense of their role in the story of political change and national progress. Political history also displays a related tendency to rehash (unmarked) gendered paradigms like "founding fathers"; and a failure to tackle the lessons of feminist poststructuralist critiques, which call for recognition of a diversity of perspectives and knowledges, and a rejection of singular meanings.
Histories of political parties have tended not to incorporate gender analysis. Two edited collections published as part of the Centenary of Federation, J.R. Nethercote's Liberalism and the Australian Federation and John Faulkner and Stuart Macintyre's edited history of the Australian Federal Parliamentary Labor Party, True Believers, indicate this tendency. (67) Liberalism and the Australian Federation, in particular, fails to engage at all with the long-established field of feminist thought about liberalism and its gendered character. The story of women in the Liberal Party is there, though relegated to a single chapter by Fitzherbert. Similarly, Ian Hancock's two Liberal Party histories, National and Permanent? and The Liberals, address the role of women in the party, but while women are present, gender is not. While this tendency in party histories may be viewed as the product of the constraints imposed by the narrative imperatives of an institutional mainstream focus and (apparently) gender-neutral questions of organisation and policy, Frank Bongiorno and others have shown how party histories can be enriched by consideration of the gendered nature of party (and class) culture. (68)
The gender-blind tendencies of historians working on traditional political themes is also illustrated by one of the most celebrated political histories to be published in Australia for many years, Peter Cochrane's Colonial Ambition. Cochrane's book manages to enliven constitutional history, an area that was a focus of Australian political history in the nineteenth century but has since lost momentum. His character-driven narrative account of the development of responsible government and democracy in the colony of New South Wales won both the Prime Minister's Prize for Australian History and the Age Book of the Year in 2007. It focuses on William Charles Wentworth, squatter and statesman, setting him against his "symbolic equal and opposite", (69) the radical artisan Henry Parkes. Cochrane's considerable narrative skill, and his weaving of the personal and intimate with the public (that is, his adoption of a biographical approach to tell his story) have been the focuses of the praise the book has rightly received. Biography is a traditional and enduring methodological approach associated with political history and unlike other political histories, biographies tend to sell well. (70) Most political biographies are written about men and meld--as Cochrane has done--the private lives of political leaders with their "public" story. Despite their emphasis on character, temperament and private life, political biographies rarely position their subjects as gendered (unless, of course, they happen to be women). The masculinity of great leaders and politicians is taken for granted and thus "invisible" in the broader analysis of character. This is the case in recent political biographies including Geoffrey Bolton's Edmund Barton, Michelle Grattan's edited collection Australian Prime Ministers and David Day's Andrew Fisher: Prime Minister of Australia. The paucity of gendered analysis in such works is partly attributable to their adoption of the narrative form, which limits analysis in order not to interrupt the narrative "flow". Cochrane has been outspoken in his view that Australian history has suffered from an overemphasis on analysis and lack of attention to narrative, which is viewed as "dumbed-down" storytelling. (71) Engagement with previous work and historiographical debates is thus relegated to the footnotes of Colonial Ambition, casting the historian in the position of "all-knowing" observer.
However, political biography need not be bereft of gendered analysis. Judith Brett's award-winning 1992 critical study of Robert Menzies demonstrated how Menzies' understanding of manly virtue and independence, which relied upon (no matter its gentlemanly expression) power over women and over other masculinities, operated as an inextricable element of his "social emotional map". (72) This work demonstrates how insightful (and readable) gender analysis--and in this case psychological analysis--can be, proving that the historian does not need to use the sometimes inaccessible jargon of deconstruction to "do" gender. Brett's engagement of analysis is far from spelling the "abandonment of character and human drama" that Cochrane fears from academic analysis. (73) Indeed, a gendered eye on his characters might have enriched Cochrane's own narrative because the source of his narrative drama is so clearly gendered. Wentworth and Parkes represent competing masculinities: two ambitious men locked in the ritualised struggle between men that constitutes mainstream politics, and utilising the masculine, muscular rhetoric of political combat. Would it "put off" the reader if Cochrane were to mark the gendered nature of his characters, their language, and the political goals they sought?
As explored above, the question of why gender is not a key consideration in such works is a complex one. Feminist political scientists have noted that there is a continuing tendency in political studies to associate feminist and gender analysis with a particular agenda that is not "objective", or (ironically) too "political". The enduring power of conventional definitions of politics, discussed above, is also a key factor. That political historians have, largely, not introduced consideration of gender into their work may also be attributable to the rather curious divide between history and political history. Verity Burgmann has observed that historians and political scientists exist in largely separate worlds, leaving political historians to chart a path somewhere in between. (74) Much political history is written from outside the academy, or by political scientists, as previously noted. Perhaps as a consequence, many political historians share political science's tendency to "add gender and shake", rather than contributing sustained gender perspectives to "mainstream" political history narratives, although it should be noted that some of the best political history has been the work of scholars like Sawer, Brett, Marian Simms and Helen Irving who cross boundaries between history and political science or law.
The evolution of feminist analysis in history offered radical potential to change the way we see politics and public life. Feminist historians shared with more traditional political historians an interest in power, in the state and citizenship, and in nationalism and nation building. Since the 1970s they have made important contributions to understandings of politics and political history, but their impact on "political history" as a narrowly defined discipline has remained patchy, due both to the enduring sway of traditional, masculinist definitions of politics, and to broader problems of disciplinary categorisation which have meant that political history and feminist and gender history are viewed as discrete areas of concern. Political history has failed to recognise fully the political activism and experience of women and the critical importance of gender analysis to understandings of political culture.
A feminist approach to political history necessitates a more inclusive definition of what constitutes politics, one that recognises the different ways in which women have "done" politics without reproducing uncritical binary understandings that equate women only with informal political activities outside the mainstream. It requires that political historians understand that a gender perspective enriches even the most conventional, male-dominated topics in political history. Work by scholars including Bongiorno, Brett, Lake, and Quartly has shown the usefulness of gender in studying not merely that which lies outside the conventional parameters of political history, but also that which lies within. (75)
School of Historical Studies, Monash University
(1) See for example Chris Corrin, Feminist Perspectives on Politics (London, 1999); Jennifer Somerville, consultant editor, Jo Campling, Feminism and the Family: Politics and Society in the UK and the USA (New York, 2000).
(2) Anne Phillips, ed., Feminism and Politics (Oxford; New York, 1998), pp. 3-4.
(3) Anne Summers, Damned Whores and God's Police, 2nd rev. ed. (Camberwell, Vic., 2002); Miriam Dixson, The Real Matilda. Woman and Identity in Australia 1788-1975 (Ringwood, Vic., 1976); Beverley Kingston, My Wife, My Daughter and Poor Mar): Ann: Women and Work in Australia (Melbourne, 1975); Edna Ryan and Anne Conlon, Gentle Invaders." Australian Women at Work, 2nd ed. (Ringwood, Vic., 1989).
(4) These include Kay Daniels, Mary Murnane and Anne Picot, eds., Women in Australia: An Annotated Guide to Records (Canberra, 1977); Kay Daniels and Mary Murnane, Australia's Women, a Documentary History (St Lucia, Qld., 1989).
(5) Marilyn Lake, "Labour History and the Constitution of Political Subjectivity" in Terry Irving, ed., Challenges to Labour History (Sydney, 1994), p. 79; Kay Saunders, "From Women's History to Gender Relations Studies In Australia: The Decade Reviewed", Australian Journal of Politics and History Vol. 41, 1 (1995), pp. 17-18; Kay Saunders and Raymond Evans, "Visibility Problems: Concepts of Gender in Australian Historical Discourse", Australian Historical Studies, Vol. 27, 106 (1996), pp. 142-153.
(6) Ann Curthoys outlines the history of the concept of gender (referring to the historically specific social constructions of sexual difference which are premised on biological difference) in "Gender Studies in Australia: a History", Australian Feminist Studies Vol. 15, 31 (2000), pp. 20-23.
(7) Scott, Gender and the Politics of History, p. 6.
(8) See Marilyn Lake, "The Politics of Respectability: Identifying the Masculinist Context", Historical Studies, Vol. 22, 86 (April 1986), pp. 116-131.
(9) Saunders, "From Women's History to Gender Relations Studies in Australia", p. 19; Saunders and Evans, "Visibility problems", p. 149. A notable exception is Patricia Grimshaw, Marilyn Lake, Ann McGrath and Marian Quartly, Creating a Nation, rev. ed. (Perth, 2006).
(10) Joan Wallach Scott, Gender and the Politics of History, rev. ed. (New York, 1999), p. 46. Ann Curthoys observes that political science has been less successful than history and other disciplines in incorporating gender perspectives, despite some fine work by feminists in the field, including Marian Sawer, who has herself noted the tendency in political science towards an "additive rather than transformative" approach to women and gender and a disinclination to consider men as gendered. See Curthoys, "Gender Studies in Australia: A History", pp. 28-29; Marian Sawer, "The Impact of Feminist Scholarship on Australian Political Science", Australian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 39, 3 (November 2004), p. 563.
(11) John Tosh, The Pursuit of History, 2nd ed. (London; New York, 1991), pp. 73, 81. On the masculine approach to history displayed by Ranke and his colleagues see Judith M. Bennett, History Matters: Patriarchy and the Challenge of Feminism (Philadelphia, 2006), esp. ch 7; Bonnie G. Smith, The Gender of History." Men, Women, and Historical Practice (Cambridge, MA, 1998); Mary Spongberg, Writing Women's History Since the Renaissance (New York, 2002).
(12) Cited in Tosh, The Pursuit of History, p. 75.
(13) For example Janine Haines, Suffrage to Sufferance: A Hundred Years' of Women in Politics (North Sydney, 1992); Marian Sawer and Marian Simms, A Woman's Place: Women and Politics in Australia, 2nd ed. (St. Leonards, NSW, 1993); Ann Millar, Trust the Women: Women in the Federal Parliament (Canberra, 1993).
(14) For example Peter Cowan, A Unique Position: a Biography of Edith Dircksey Cowan, 1861-1932 (Perth, 1978); Marian Simms, "Women in Caucus" in John Faulkner and Stuart Macintyre, eds., True Believers: the Story of the Federal Parliamentary Labor Party (East Melbourne, 2001), pp. 219-235; Anne Henderson, Enid Lyons: Leading Lady to a Nation (Melbourne, 2008); Margaret Fitzherbert, Liberal Women: Federation--1949 (Annandale, NSW, 2004); Cathy Jenkins, No Ordinary Lives: Pioneering Women in Australian Politics (North Melbourne, Vic., 2008).
(15) Rebecca Edwards, Angels' in the Machinery: Gender in American Party Politics From the Civil War to the Progressive Era (New York, 1997); Anna Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley, 1995). An exception to this rule is Joy Damousi's Women Come Rally: Communism, Socialism and Gender in Australia 1890-1955 (Melbourne, 1994).
(16) Scott, Gender and the Politics of History, p. 49. See also Kathie Muir, "Political Cares: Gendered Reporting of Work and Family issues in Relation to Australian Politicians", Australian Feminist Studies, Vol. 20, 46 (2005), pp. 77-90.
(17) Edwards, Angels in the Machinery, pp. 155-158.
(18) See for example Kate Murphy, "The 'Most Dependable Element of Any Country's Manhood': Masculinity and Rurality in the Great War and its Aftermath", History Australia, Vol. 5, 3 (December 2008), pp. 72.1-72.20. See also Marilyn Lake, 'Socialism and Manhood: the Case of William Lane", Labour History, 50 (May 1986), pp. 54-62.
(19) See Marilyn Lake, "On Being a White Man, Circa 1900" in Hsu-Ming Teo and Richard White, eds., Cultural History in Australia (Sydney, 2003); eadem, "Translating Needs into Rights: the Discursive Imperative of the Australian White Man, 1901-1930" in Stefan Dudink, Karen Hagemann, and John Tosh, eds., Masculinities in Politics and War: Gendering Modern History (New York, 2004), pp. 199-219.
(20) Martin Crotty, Making the Australian Male. Middle-Class Masculinity 1870-1920 (Melbourne, 2001). See also Clive Moore and Kay Saunders, eds., Special Issue: Australian Masculinities--Men and their Histories, Journal of Australian Studies, Vol. 56 (1998).
(21) Joan B. Landes, Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French Revolution (Ithaca and London, 1988), p. 2.
(22) Phillips, ed., Feminism and Politics, p. 1.
(23) Karen Often, European Feminisms, 1700-1950. A Political History (Stanford, Ca., 1999), p. l; Marilyn Lake, Getting Equal: the History of Australian Feminism (St. Leonards, NSW, 1999), p. 16.
(24) Sawer, "The Impact of Feminist Scholarship on Australian Political Science", p. 554.
(25) Jane Sherron De Hart, "Women's History and Political History: Bridging Old Divides" in John F. Marszalek and Wilson D. Miscamble, eds., American Political History: Essays on the State of the Discipline (Notre Dame and London, 1997), pp. 26-27.
(26) Michelle Arrow, "Everywhere and Nowhere? Women's History in Cultural History and Cultural Studies Journals", Hecate, Vol. 33, 2 (2007), pp. 169-180.
(27) Susan Magarey, Sue Rowley and Susan Sheridan, eds., Debutante Nation: Feminism Contests the 1890s (St. Leonards, NSW, 1993).
(28) Dudink, et al., eds., Masculinities in Politics and War, p. xii. See also Landes, Women and the Public Sphere; Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches.
(29) See Jane Rendall, "Women and the Public Sphere", Gender and History, Vol. 11, 3 (November 1999), pp. 475-488.
(30) Judith A. Allen, "Men Interminably in Crisis? Historians on Masculinity, Sexual Boundaries, and Manhood", Radical History Review, Vol. 82 (2002), p. 192.
(31) Carol Bacchi, "First-Wave Feminism: History's Judgment" in Norma Grieve and Patricia Grimshaw eds., Australian Women: Feminist Perspectives (Melbourne, 1981); Marilyn Lake, "Feminist History as National History: Writing the Political History of Women", Australian Historical Studies, Vol. 17, 106 (1996); Lake, Getting Equal, pp. 9-16.
(32) Susan Magarey, Passions of the First Wave Feminists, p. 159; "Why Didn't They Want to be Members of Parliament? Suffragists in South Australia" in Caroline Daley and Melanie Nolan, eds., Suffrage and Beyond. International Feminist Perspectives (Auckland 1994), pp. 81-2. Lake, Getting Equal, chapter 6.
(33) Cited in Janette M. Bomford, That Dangerous and Persuasive Woman: Vida Goldstein (Carlton, Vic., 1993), p. 70. See also Bessie Rischbieth, "Woman's Political Attitude: the Value of a Non-Party Basis of Action", Dawn, 12 April 1921, p. 4 and Susan Magarey's Unbridling the Tongues of Women." A Biography of Catherine Helen Spence (Sydney, 1985).
(34) Lake, Getting Equal, pp. 9-l0.
(35) Elaine Wilson Martin, "'Polite Lobbying': The Australian Federation of Women Voters and its Allies in the Australian Post-War Women's Movement" in Joy Damousi and Katherine Ellinghaus, eds., Citizenship, Women and Social Justice." International Historical Perspectives (Melbourne, 1999), pp. 204-216. On the WCTU see Anthea Hyslop, "Christian Temperance and Social Reform: The Woman's Christian Temperance Union of Victoria, 1887-1912", and Judith Smart, "The Panacea of Prohibition: The Reaction of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union of Victoria to the Great War", both in Sabine Willis, ed., Women, Faith and Fetes (Melbourne, 1977), pp. 43-62, and pp. 162-193.
(36) See Judith Allen, Rose Scott: Vision and Revision in Feminism (Melbourne, 1994), p. 213.
(37) Dianne Davidson, Women on the Warpath: Feminists of the First Wave (Nedlands, WA, 1997); Lake, Getting Equal, p. 12; Seth Koven and Sonya Michel, eds., Mothers of a New World: Maternalist Politics and the Origins Of Welfare States (New York, 1993). For a good survey of the range of maternalist welfare activities in which interwar feminists were engaged, see Bessie Rischbieth, March of Australian Women: A Record of the Fifty Years' Struggle for Equal Citizenship (Perth, 1964).
(38) The term "redemptive places" is Daphne Spain's. See her How Women Saved the City (Minneapolis and London, 2001).
(39) Fitzherbert, Liberal Women: Federation--1949.
(40) Cited in Marian Quartly, "The Australian Women's National League and Democracy, 1904-1921", Women's History Review, Vol. 15, 1 (March 2006), p. 44. See also her "Defending 'the Purity of Home Life' Against Socialism: the Founding Years of the Australian Women's National League," The Australian Journal of Polities and History, Vol. 50, 2 (June 2004), pp. 178-193.
(41) Judith Brett, Robert Menzies' Forgotten People, new ed. (Carlton, Vic., 2007).
(42) Barbara Pini, Ruth Panelli and Liza Dale-Hallett, "The Victorian Women on Farms Gatherings: A Case Study of the Australian "Women in Agriculture" Movement", Australian Journal of Politics and History, Vol. 53, 4 (2007), pp. 569-580.
(43) Elizabeth Kenworthy Teather, "The Country Women's Association of New South Wales in the 1920s and 1930s as a Counter Revolutionary Organisation", Journal of Australian Studies, Vol. 41 (1994), pp. 67-78; eadem, "Mandate of the Country Women's Association of New South Wales", Australian Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 31, 1 (1996), pp. 73-94; Heather Gunn, "'For the Man On the Land': Issues of Gender and Identity in the Formation of the Victorian Farmer's Union Women's Section, 1918-1922", Journal of Australian Studies', Vol. 42 (1994), pp. 32-42; eadem, "Dad, Dave and Germaine: The Politics of Sex and the Rural Response to the 1970s Women's Movement" in Joy Damousi and Katherine Ellinghaus, eds., Citizenship, Women and Social Justice: International Historical Perspectives (Melbourne, 1999), pp. 150-154; Pini, Panelli and Dale-Hallett, "The Victorian Women on Farms Gatherings", pp. 570-573; see also Gretchen Poiner, The Good Old Rule: Gender and Other Power Relationships in a Rural Community (Sydney, 1990).
(44) Jurgen Habermas's conception of the "bourgeois public sphere", referring to the spectrum of organisations and forums in which public opinion can be formed and disseminated outside of public institutions, has been in this sense useful to feminists. See Jurgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society (Cambridge, MA, 1998).
(45) Clare Wright, "'New Brooms They Say Sweep Clean': Women's Political Activism on the Ballarat Goldfields, 1854", Australian Historical Studies, Vol. 39 (2008), pp. 305-321.
(46) John Hirst, "Women and History", Quadrant, Vol. 314 (March 1995), p. 38.
(47) Grimshaw et al.. Creating a Nation.
(48) Kerreen M. Reiger, The Disenchantment of the Home. Modernising the Australian Family 1880 1940 (Melbourne, 1985). Jill Julius Matthews pursued a similar project in her Good and Mad Women: The Historical Construction of Femininity in Twentieth Century Australia (Sydney, 1984).
(49) Desley Deacon, Managing Gender. The State, the New Middle Class and Women Workers 1830 1930 (Melbourne, 1989), p. ix.
(50) Curthoys, "Gender Studies in Australia", p. 20. See also R. Howe, ed., Women and the State: Australian Perspectives (Bundoora, Vic., 1993); Louise A. Chappell, Gendering Government. Feminist Engagement with the State in Australia and Canada (Vancouver, 2002); Marian Sawer, The Ethical State? Social Liberalism in Australia (Carlton, Vic., 2003).
(51) See for example Judith Smart, "Sex, the State and the 'Scarlet Scourge': Gender, Citizenship, and Venereal Diseases Regulation in Australia During the Great War", Women's History Review, Vol. 7, 1 (1998), pp. 5-36; Rosemary Pringle, "Octavius Beale and the Ideology of the Birth-Rate. The Royal Commissions of 1904 and 1905", Refractory Girl, Vol. 3 (1973), pp. 19-27; Judith Allen, "Octavius Beale Re-Considered: Infanticide, Baby-Farming and Abortion in New South Wales 1880-1939" in Sydney Labour History Group, What Rough Beast? The State and Social Order in Australian History (Sydney, 1982), pp. 111-129.
(52) Carole Pateman, The Sexual Contract (Cambridge, 1988). See also Susan Moller Okin, "Gender, the Public, and the Private" in Phillips, ed., Feminism and Politics, pp. 116-141.
(53) Sawer, The Ethical State? esp. ch. 8. See also Marian Quartly, "Mothers and Fathers and Brothers and Sisters: The AWA and the ANA and Gendered Citizenship" in Howe, Women and the State, pp. 22-30.
(54) Tim Rowse, Australian Liberalism and National Character (Melbourne, 1978); Stuart Macintyre, A Colonial Liberalism." The Lost Worm of Three Victorian Visionaries (Melbourne, 1991).
(55) Marilyn Lake, "Mission Impossible: How Men Gave Birth to the Australian Nation--Nationalism, Gender and Other Seminal Acts", Gender and History, Vol. 4, 3 (1992), pp. 305-322; Joan Beaumont, "Australian Citizenship and the Two World Wars", Australian Journal of Politics and History, Vol. 53, 2 (2007), pp. 171-182.
(56) Ann McGrath, "Beneath the Skin: Australian Citizenship, Rights and Aboriginal Women" in Howe ed., Women and the State, pp. 99-114; Marilyn Lake, "A Revolution in the Family: the Challenge and Contradictions of Maternal Citizenship" in Seth Koven and Sonya Michel, eds., Mothers of a New World: Maternalist Politics and the Origins of Welfare States (New York, 1993), pp. 379-380; Joan Eveline, "Feminism, Racism and Citizenship in Twentieth-Century Australia" in Patricia Crawford and Philippa Maddern, eds, Women as Australian Citizens: Underlying Histories (Melbourne, 2001), pp. 141-177. See also several fine accounts of the role of women in the Federation movement and the gendered impact of the constitutional system that it inaugurated: Helen Irving, ed., A Woman's Constitution?." Gender and History in the Australian Commonwealth (Sydney, 1996); Helen Irving, To Constitute a Nation: A Cultural History of Australia's Constitution (Cambridge; Melbourne, 1999).
(57) See Jill Roe, "What Has Nationalism Offered Australian Women?" in Norma Grieve and Ailsa Burns eds., Australian Women: Contemporary Feminist Thought (Melbourne, 1994), pp. 29-39.
(58) Joy Damousi, "Writing Gender into History and History in Gender: Creating a Nation and Australian Historiography", Gender and History, Vol. 11, 3 (1999), p. 612; quote from reader feedback cited in Grimshaw, Lake, McGrath and Quartly, Creating a Nation, p. xi.
(59) Lake, Getting Equal, p. 50.
(60) Ann Curthoys, "Labour History and Cultural Studies", Labour History, 67 (1994), pp. 12-13.
(61) Ann Curthoys, Susan Eade and Peter Spearritt, eds, Women at Work (Canberra, 1975).
(62) Ryan and Conlon, Gentle Invaders. For a discussion of later feminist analyses of the impact of arbitration on women workers, see Raelene Frances, "Gender, Working Life and Federation" in Mark Hearn and Greg Patmore, eds., Working the Nation: Working Life and Federation, 1890-1914 (Annandale, NSW, 2001), pp. 37-47.
(63) See Saunders, "From Women's History to Gender Relations", pp. 19-20.
(64) Raelene Frances, The Politics of Work in Victoria, 1880-1940 (Sydney, 1993); eadem, "Writing a Gendered Labour History" in J. Martin and K. Taylor, eds., Culture and the Labour Movement (Palmerston North, 1991), pp. 62-76; Lisa Dale, The Rural Context of Masculinity and the "Woman Question": an Analysis of the Amalgamated Shearers' Union Support for Women's Equality, NSW, 1890-1895 (Clayton, Vic., 1991); Patricia Grimshaw, "The 'Equals and Comrades of Men'?: Tocsin and 'the Woman Question'" in Magarey et al., eds., Debutante Nation, pp. 100-113; Bruce Scates, "Mobilizing Manhood: Gender and the Great Strike in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand", Gender and History, Vol. 9, 2 (August 1997), pp. 285-309.
(65) Hearn and Patmore. eds. Working the Nation.
(66) John Docker, "Backbone of National Narrative", Australian Book Review, 218 (February/March 2000),
(67) J.R. Nethercote, ed., Liberalism and the Australian Federation (Annandale, NSW, 200l); John Faulkner and Stuart Macintyre, eds., True Believers: the Story of the Federal Parliamentary Labor Party (East Melbourne, 2001).
(68) Frank Bongiorno, The People's Party: Victorian Labor and the Radical Tradition, 1875-1914 (Melbourne, 1996), esp. oh. 5. See also Lake, "Socialism and Manhood"; Michael Leach, "'Manly, True, and White': Masculine Identity and Australian Socialism" in Geoff Stokes, ed., The Politics Of Identity in Australia (Melbourne, 1997), pp. 63-77; Bruce Scates, A New Australia. Citizenship, Radicalism and the First Republic (Melbourne, 1997); Carol Johnson, Governing Change: from Keating to Howard (St Lucia, Qld., 2000).
(69) Peter Cochrane, "Stories from the Dustbin", Griffith Review (Autumn 2008); idem, "Re-imagining Australia", p. 76.
(70) Tracey Arklay, "Political Biography: its Contribution to Political Science" in Tracey Arklay, John Nethercote and John Wanna, eds., Australian Political Lives: Chronicling Political Careers and Administrative Histories (Canberra, 2006), p. 19.
(71) Cochrane, "Stories from the Dustbin", pp. 71 81.
(72) Brett, Robert Menzies' Forgotten People, p. 118.
(73) Ibid., p. 72.
(74) Verity Burgmann, "Solving the Riddle of History" in Bain Attwood, ed., Labour Histories (Clayton, Vic., 1994), pp. 28-42.
(75) See for example Nick Dyrenfurth, "'A Terrible Monster': from 'Employers to Capitalists' in the 1886 Melbourne Wharf Labourers" Strike", Labour History, no. 94 (May 2008), pp. 89-112.…