ELMER DIKTONIUS was one of the first generation modernist writers in Finno-Swedish literature in the 1920s and is still an author of importance with a stable place within Finno-Swedish and Finnish literary history. He is an intriguing character, in many ways a stranger and an outsider when compared to the typical Finno-Swedish authors within the literary field of his time.
Bilingualism has been defined as the genuine ability of an individual to use two languages, the individual's actually making use of two languages, and the tendency to change easily from one language to another (Allardt and Starck 119; see also Lindgren and Lindgren 301). Diktonius was truly bilingual. Early on his ancestors had been bilingual for several generations and had married across the language border (Donner 41). His family was Swedish-speaking, but he obtained his education in Finnish. His parents perhaps thought that schooling in Finnish was a social asset although Swedish language had at the time a greater social prestige (Schoolfield 4). In his daily life, he moved fluently between the two languages. Diktonius's first poems and articles were in Finnish, but from 1921 onwards, he wrote poetry and prose in Swedish. His essays and reviews were in both languages, and he translated texts--even his own--from Swedish to Finnish and the other way around.
Many scholars have mentioned Diktonius's bilingualism (Schoolfield, Donner), but they have not discussed the importance of it as a cultural or social asset for him more profoundly nor analyzed its significance in the literary and social context of the time. My central question is: Was bilingualism in the Finno-Swedish literary field an asset or a handicap? I will discuss several of Diktonius's own declarations about his linguistic preferences and language background, shortly describe the linguistic situation of the 1920s, and show how Diktonius's habitus differed both linguistically and socially from the typical members of the literary community. I will also demonstrate how he despite his atypical linguistic and class background, party thanks to his bilingualism, managed to enter the literary community. Here the perspective of Pierre Bourdieu offers, I think, functional concepts of current interest in an analysis of bilingualism in a larger social and cultural context (see also Pavlenko and Blackledge 10-11).
My final answer to the question whether bilingualism within the literary community by the 1920s was an asset or a handicap is both yes and no. On a common level, it was not an advantage; on an individual level, it could be made an asset. Diktonius's bilingualism is, when scrutinized as cultural capital, a handicap, but when seen from the perspective of social capital, an asset.
THE LANGUAGE SITUATION IN FINLAND IN THE 1920S
Language politics was a major issue at the beginning of the twentieth century in Finland, a time characterized by language fights and linguistic purism (see e.g. Wrede, "Om politiska ideer" 174; Tidigs, "Upplosta sprakgranser" 690). There was a small minority (6 percent of the population, approximately 300,000 persons) of Swedish speakers living in Finland. The minority had an especially prominent place in the Finnish political, economic, and cultural life but gradually lost its position and significance as the Finnish speaking population and its expanding culture took over. The change came about gradually during the nineteenth century but became obvious in 1906 when the Swedish population finally lost its earlier political majority, position, and cultural significance because of a parliamentary reform that introduced universal suffrage. The minority positions of the Swedish-speaking populace in Finland, then, became obvious and aroused considerable political and cultural activity in order to protect the Swedish culture in Finland. The Swedish-speaking population rallied around the Swedish language to be defended in Finland.
The consequences of the change in the position and status of the Swedish-speaking population in Finland on people's language use and identity were many. Previously--in the nineteenth century--the historian Matti Klinge argued, bilingualism had been the "normal" condition (Klinge 43-4; see also Allardt and Starck 120-1, 123; Bonsdorff 229; Donner 201; Lindgren and Lindgren). Klinge makes the case that in the 1920s and '30s, a new sensibility arose around the question of whether a person belonged to the Finnish or the Swedish language group. "Man upplevde bestamda krav pa att ocksa personer som beharskade bagge inhemska spraken hade att uppge ett av dem sasom sitt 'modersmal'" (46) [Certain demands arose that even persons who mastered both languages should declare their "mother tongue"] he writes.
Earlier in the nineteenth century, Swedish had been identified as the language of the educated class and literature (see e.g. Lindgren and Lindgren 259). The changes in the language situation had many effects even within the literary field, where language is, unsurprisingly, of central interest (see e.g. Willner, "De finlandssvenska forfattarna"). According to Bourdieu, "Les proprietes qui caracterisent l'excellence linguistique tiennent en duex mots, distinction et correction" (Ce que parler veut dire 50) ["the properties which characterize linguistic excellence may be summed up in two words: distinction and correctness" (Language and Symbolic Power 60)]. This characterization was indeed the case within the Finno-Swedish literature. The criteria put on the correctness of the language of the educated class and especially on the authors were rigorous. The publishers and literary reviewers demanded an elevated and cultivated Swedish language (Loman 91). Within the literary field, the dominant and legitimate language, the victorious language (see Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power 5), was a Swedish as correct as possible and modeled on the Swedish spoken and written in Sweden (Loman 71-3; see Hertzberg). The bilingual authors, among them Elmer Diktonius, as well as the monolingual authors, were repeatedly criticized for their incorrect Swedish. Influences from Finnish and Swedish dialects in the Swedish written and spoken were despised (Loman 86). One of the chief language ideologists was the philologist and lecturer in Swedish at the University of Helsinki, Hugo Bergroth, who in 1917 published a book with the telling name: Finlandssvenska: Handledning till undvikande av provinsialismer [Finland-Swedish: A Hand Book in How to Avoid Provincialisms]. Even authors were to learn from Bergroth's book. The language Bergroth insisted upon was the Swedish of the educated upper class (Loman 86). Although Bergroth dreamed of a situation in which the children of the "people" would be able to speak correctly, his language norm actually favored the children of the educated classes, who had access to this language in their families. The language norm strengthened the position of the upper class as the cultural elite (Loman 87). The distinction obtained by the utmost linguistic correctness was the marker of the boundary between the educated class and the non-educated people in a time characterized by increasing social mobility and changing class boundaries.
DIKTONIUS'S POSITIVE VIEW ON BILINGUALISM
Opinions differ among literary scholars on whether Elmer Diktonius's bilingualism was for him an asset or a handicap. According to George C. Schoolfield, Diktonius's "career was made more complex by his bilingualism; a member of the Swedish-speaking minority in Finland, he was often tempted to use the majority's tongue for creative purposes--and Finnish, in turn, shaped and colored his Swedish style" (Schoolfield vii). While Jorn Donner (255; see also Zilliacus, "Finlandssvensk litteratur" 16) asks whether Diktonius's linguistic inventiveness was grounded in linguistic uncertainty due to his bilingualism, Julia Tidigs ("Multilingualism") argues in a forthcoming article on Diktonius's novel Janne Kubik (1932), a novel characterized by its multilingualism, that the author's "incorrect language simultaneously enables him to write an avant-garde text, separate himself from the literary establishment, and write a Finnish folklore text" (forthcoming).
Diktonius discussed a number of times his views on the Swedish and Finnish languages and his bilingualism. To begin with, one must note that his opinions on the positive and negative sides of the two languages, when he talks of Finnish and Swedish, are far from consistent. In different phases of his career, he described the advantages and characteristic features of Swedish and Finnish in slightly different ways. He, however, consistently regarded his bilingualism as an advantage; he described the richness of bilingualism in several essays and letters (see e.g. Donner and Lindqvist 192-3; Schoolfield 191, n. 4).
In 1949 Diktonius declared in an essay written in Finnish and published in a Finnish literary magazine that
Ne kirjaimet, joo. Mina teen kirjaimia ja kirjaimet syovat minua. Tuota menoa on virallisesti jatkunut jo lahes kolmekymmenta vuotta, ja vuosi vuodelta se melske ja meteli on kiihtynyt yha villimmaksi ja kuluttavammaksi. [...] Jeh. Kahden kielen alueelle tyyraan jotenkuten niiden venkuroimista--kukaan kuolevainen ei jetsulleen hallitse yhtakaan kielta, mutta voihan niita silti varkata ja tallata vissiin rajaan saakka. [...] ... olenpahan mina poloinen poju miltei syntymastani saakka ollut kaksikarkinen kieleltani kuin hyvakin kyynpoikanen, vaikkei kiemurteleminen kuulu lempiharrastuksiini. Ruotsalainen koti, lastenrattaissa Nurmijarvelle, perakanaa monta kullaista kesaa siella, Sortavala, Jyvaskyla, Kuokkala--Kivija Leino, Froding ja Strindberg: on siina; sita on. 1916, silloisen musiikkioppilaani Otto Ville Kuusisen innoittamana, ensimmainen artikkelini, suomalainen, 19 ensimmaista runoani, enimmakseen suomenkielisia. Mutta : "Som morkgron brons sta skogarne pa bergen." (Diktonius, "Umajarven kumpareilta" 282-4)
(Those letters, yeah. I form letters and the letters eat me. This process has been going on officially now for nearly thirty years, and from one year to the next the noise and clamor have grown even wilder and more trying. [...] Yeah. I steer somehow a winding path within the domains of two languages--no mortal can totally control even one language, yet all the same you can twist and bend them to a certain point. [...] ... I have been, poor boy, fork-tongued almost since birth, like a good baby snake, although coiling myself up is not among my favorite activities. A Swedish home, a baby carriage to Nurmijarvi, many golden summers one after the other: Sortavala, Jyvaskyla, Kuokkala--Kivi and Leino, Froding and Strindberg: there you are; there you have it. In 1916, inspired by my music student Otto Ville Kuusinen, I published my first article, in Finnish, my nineteen first poems, mostly in Finnish. But: "Like dark green bronze the trees stand on the mountains.")
To begin with, Diktonius illustrates his almost physical relation to letters: he makes them and they eat him, a phenomenon that has been going on for the last thirty years. It is impossible to master even one language entirely, he argues. Diktonius then describes the Finnish and the Finno-Swedish surroundings in which he grew up and lists his favorites among Finnish and Swedish authors. He uses an ambivalent metaphor to illustrate his bilingualism: he writes that he has been double-tongued like a young snake almost since he was born. He illustrates how he has lived simultaneously in two different linguistic and cultural contexts. The last sentence, "like dark green bronze the trees stand on the mountains" a citation from the Swedish poet, Gustaf Froding's poem "Vantan" repeated again and again in the essay, is, however, like a mantra that illustrates his intimate relation to Swedish. The Swedish citation just enters Diktonius's essay without any explanations or earlier notice, many times in the middle of a thought written in Finnish. In Finnish there is a phrase about how a person talks what the spit brings into his mouth, an idiom with which Diktonius begins his essay. The Swedish Froding citations seem to occur in the essay in a similar way: they enter in an immediate, "instinctive" way.
In another text Diktonius describes how he in his childhood spoke Swedish but simultaneously embraced the Finnish landscape and "the sap of the Finnish people" He assumes that he learned the both languages simultaneously. But, he declares, "nar lyriken borjade rinna var den svensk ty det spraket stod ens hjarta narmast" (Donner 201) [when the lyric poems started to flow, they were in Swedish because that language was nearest to one's heart].
Though Diktonius was genuinely bilingual, he chose Swedish as his literary language, then, partly because of its expressive qualities. For him the two languages offered clearly different identities, tasks, and functions. He favored the consonants in the Swedish language, but the vowels of Finnish (Diktonius, "Umajarven kumpareilta"). In an article published 1922 in Ultra, a bilingual modernist art magazine, he explains that the Finnish language is too soft for articulating the concerns of a modern times that need a language as hard as the punches in a street fight or in the boxing ring (Diktonius, "Muualla ja meilla" 24-5; see also Wrede, "Tidskriften Ultra"). "As a poet he preferred Swedish for its colorful gutturality. But some of his best prose he translated into Finnish from Swedish that had originally been subtly fortified by the resources of the Finnish language" Clas Zilliacus writes ("The Roaring Twenties" II). In a letter to his Finno-Swedish friend, politician, journalist, and author Atos Wirtanen in 1936, Diktonius explained: "Jag valde icke svenskan, ty den motsvarade mina naturligaste uttryck: var min egen tonga. Det finska inom mig ar en betydande parentes, men riktigt los och ledig ar jag blott pa svenskt hall inom mig. Med min finska dikming har jag fyllt en social plikt; det ar blott social lyrik jag skrivit pa finska--som instrument for mina personligare saker duger det spraket ej" (Donner and Lindqvist 277, emphasis in original) [I did not choose Swedish, to put it in other words, it corresponded to my most natural expressions: it was my own tongue. The Finnish inside me is a significant parenthesis, but I am really free only within the Swedish quarters of myself. In my Finnish poetry I have fulfilled a social duty; it is just social poetry I have written in Finnish--as an instrument for my private matters that language is not good enough]. In a 1935 letter to H.P. Matthis, a Swedish author and journalist, Diktonius comments upon the language situation in Finland and the struggle between the Finnish- and the Swedish-speaking people: "Hela det dar kabblet for mig, som fysiskt och psykiskt maste rakna mig bride till svenskarna och finnarna, Olust reed stor bokstav" (Diktonius to Matthis) [All this bickering is for me, who must count myself physically and psychologically both a Swede and a Finn, Discomfort with a capital letter]. What is typical of Diktonius is that he often describes his relation to language with words that relate to the body (tongue, heart) or to bodily functions or perceptions. Language resides in the body and is not an abstract or purely aesthetic phenomenon outside the body.
All in all, Diktonius's attitudes concerning his bilingualism were positive, despite the overall view that saw bilingualism as harmful (Lindgren and Lindgren 300) and despite the fact that bilingual individuals, according to the historian Klinge, felt a pressure to identify themselves as either Finnish or a Swedish speaking. Diktonius chose to promote bilingualism and identify himself at least partly as both Swedish and Finnish. Even when he declares that he exists in Swedish, he remarks that Finnish is an important part of his identity, "a significant parenthesis?' In order to explain Diktonius's positive attitudes towards bilingualism in a time when a monolingual norm dominated, Bourdieus's concept of habitus is useful.
LANGUAGE, HABITUS, AND CLASS IN EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY HELSINKI
Habitus is a complicated concept formulated in order to explain a very complex phenomenon. To put it quite bluntly, it is the place where one feels at home. Bourdieu writes, "Ainsi, l'habitus implique un sense of one's place mais aussi un sense of others' place ("Espace social et pouvoir symbolique" 156) ["Habitus thus implies a 'sense of one's place' but also a 'sense of the place of others" ("Social Space and Symbolic Power" 19)]. Bourdieu often uses the words "disposition" and "taste" as words corresponding to habitus (e.g. "Social Space and Symbolic Power"). Habitus can be described as the inscriptions of the social world on a person's body and mind. The bodily expressions Diktonius uses to describe his bilingualism--words like blood, tongue--are quite ordinary metaphors used to describe relations to language as seen in expressions like the "mother tongue" But they arc also expressions that can be, I think, related to his habitus.
At the beginning of the twentieth century Finland was a society within which different social classes and language groups kept mostly to themselves: language and class barriers were not to be crossed. Helsinki was by then bilingual. In 1880 over half of the inhabitants of Helsinki were Swedish speaking, but by 1890 the two communities were the same size (Allardt and Starck 134-5). As a result of the extensive movement as people relocated to the city in order to get jobs, the proportion of the Finnish-speaking population increased (Lindgren and Lindgren 280). By the time of Diktonius's birth, Helsinki was a city with Swedish- and Finnish-speaking populations of approximately similar size, a condition that, however, changed rapidly. Other languages like Russian, Yiddish, and German were, however, also spoken (Donner 62).
The actual bilingualism of the population of the city at the time was one thing; the social status attached to bilingualism was another. Language and class were at the beginning of the twentieth century connected to each other in a certain way. The population had long been divided into the upper, educated class that spoke Swedish and the common people whose language was Finnish. Helsinki was a society strongly divided along class lines, and the Diktonius family ranked low on the social scale (Donner 63; Schoolfield 3; Zilliacus, "The Roaring Twenties" 9). The word capital can be used to describe the cultural and social demands put on authors by the time. With capital, Bourdieu denotes something a social group appreciates, acknowledges as valuable, and struggles for. Symbolic capital is that which is acknowledged, accumulated prestige or honor, for example titles, exams, works of art, or scientific achievements (Broady 171; Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power 14). A person's language skills, selection of words, intonation, and so on, are an essential part of the person's habitus and his or her symbolic capital (see e.g. Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power 17). Cultural capital exists in three forms: in the embodied state, i.e. in the form of long-lasting dispositions of the mind and body--like cultivation, Bildung; in the objectified state, in the form of cultural goods (pictures, books, dictionaries, instruments, machines, etc.; and in the institutionalized state, in the form of exams, education, and academic qualifications (Bourdieu, "The Forms of Capital" 24-3). Cultural capital accumulates, and, therefore, time is needed in order to acquire and increase one's cultural capital. As a result, it is connected to economic capital: people with money can, for example, afford to let their children study longer. The Finno-Swedish literary community of the time was clearly dominated by authors whose background was the educated upper-class, particularly when compared to the class structure of the Finnish literary community or to the cultural and social background of the population in general (Willner, Soner av nederlaget 117). In addition, the cultural capital demanded by the literary field of the time was dearly high and favored authors from upper class families (Malmio, "Elmers kropp").
When one relates Diktonius's cultural capital to the dominant expectations of an author's habitus at the time, it is obvious that he lacked cultural capital on all three levels Bourdieu recognizes. His embodied capital was scarce: he was not perceived as cultivated (Malmio, "Elmers kropp"), and his family's cultural capital in form of cultural goods was at best minimal. They owned, for example, hardly any books (Donner 63). Despite his parents' ambitions to give him a good education and, thus, cultural capital, Diktonius dropped out of school and never finished his education. When compared with other authors of the time, for example his modernist colleague, writer, and critic Hagar Olsson, he was at a clear disadvantage (Donner 18; Zilliacus, "The Roaring Twenties" 9). He was not a member of the upper educated class, nor did he know anybody from the cultural establishment (Donner 37, 295). He was not, so to say, at home within the Finno-Swedish literary field.
Diktonius was, then, a stranger within the Finno-Swedish literary community of the 1920s, not only due to his lack of cultural capital, but also because of his bilingualism and his positive appreciation of it. According to Schoolfield, Diktonius's entire bilingualism made him "a singular phenomenon among Finland-Swedish authors of his day" (4). There was, however, a cultural background and a social milieu within which it was most ordinary. Bilingualism was an essential part of the urban working class culture in Helsinki at the beginning of the twentieth century (Allardt and Starck 150-1). In fact, it was the members of the Swedish-speaking working class who were the most widely bilingual among the Swedish speaking population in Finland. The working class who lived in Helsinki used slang with influences from Finnish, spoke standard Swedish, Finno-Swedish dialects, English, Russian, German, and so on. While the upper class took part in the ongoing language struggle, the urban working class lived a life characterized by active everyday bilingualism (Allardt and Starck 135). Bilingualism is developed within contexts where it either is a social asset or a necessity, the sociologists Allardt and Starck state (129). Within the working class context, bilingualism was an asset, a dimension of the urban working classes cultural capital. This urban working class was also the social milieu from which Diktonius emerged. He and his parents have been alternately described as members of the working class (Willner, Soner av nederlaget 118) or of the lower upwardly-mobile class (Schoolfield 3). Diktonius's bilingual linguistic identity fits in to that of the urban working class.
Bilingualism was the practice of Diktonius's origins and class, the social group from within which he originated. Bourdieu makes the general claim that every class or social group tries to justify its own categories of perception and evaluation, categories that go back to the class's position in the social hierarchy. This insight explains why Diktonius, in a literary context characterized by demands of monolingual Swedish identification, kept to his bilingualism.
All the leading critics in the 1920s were members of upper social classes with an advanced academic education (Loman 95). They often argued that Diktonius's language was low and vulgar and that he depicted phenomena that were not beautiful or proper for literature (see also Sevanen 207; Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power 60). His linguistic capital did not meet the criteria of the Finno-Swedish literary milieu of the time. Nor did Diktonius ever write correct Swedish, partly because of his bilingualism, partly because as a modernist and thus a lexical innovator, he did not--according to his own words--care for the conformity demanded by Bergroth or his cronies. His publisher accordingly undertook the necessary corrections in his texts (Donner 57).
In his highly multilingual novel Janne Kubik, Diktonius uses the kind of language mixture typical of the urban working class in Helsinki. Although the novel is written in Swedish, several other languages--for example Finnish, English, and Russian--are present (see Tidigs, Upplo'sta sprakgranser 685). It also includes slang, swear words, and so-called finlandismer, variants of Swedish used typically by Finno-Swedish speakers. Diktonius, then, transfers the language of his class origins into a totally new milieu, that of the 1920s and '30s Finno-Swedish literary community. The principal innovation was that the language of the working class now could enter the domain of established Finno-Swedish literature, largely dominated by a correct Swedish spoken by of the educated upper classes (Allardt and Starck 150-1). Diktonius did not adapt to the demands of monolingualism and linguistic correctness of the Finno-Swedish culture, but rather, forced acceptance of his bilingual habitus.
Diktonius came into a literary community dominated by people from the upper, educated class with a linguistic and cultural background that dearly differed from his. In his struggle to establish himself within the context of prevailing Finno-Swedish literary culture, he used many different literary and social strategies (see e.g. Malmio, "Narren Elmer Diktonius" and "Rebelliskhet och skapandet av auktoritet"). In order to understand the significance of bilingualism in this struggle, one may examine Diktonius's bilingualism as a form of social capital.
BILINGUALISM AS A FORM OF SOCIAL CAPITAL
Social capital consists, according to Bourdieu, of all the actual or potential relations of which an agent can somehow take advantage. Social capital involves various kinds of memberships in groups, families, associations of different kinds, and so on (Bourdieu, "The Forms of Capital" 24-8-9). Bourdieu writes, "Der Umfang des Sozialkapitals, das der einzelne besitzt, hangt demnach sowohl von der Ausdelmung des Netzes von Beziehungen ab, die tatsachlich mobilisieren kann" ("Okonomisches Kapital" 191) ["The volume of the social capital possessed by a given agent thus depends on the size of the network of connections he can effectively mobilize" ("The Forms of Capital" 24-9)].
What is most striking about the groups to which Diktonius belonged in the beginning of the 1920s is that they were so varied and so remote from each other linguistically, culturally, socially, and politically. The Finnish civil war, fought in 1918 between the "white" mostly the bourgeoisie and landowners--and the "red"--the working class and political left--was a war that divided the nation in a severe and tragic way and had been concluded just a few years earlier. Schoolfield points out that "in the Helsinki of the middle 1920s, where class and language boundaries were still sternly maintained, Diktonius led a triple life: with his newly found friends among 'better' Finland-Swedes ..., with Ahlstrom and his cronies, and with Finnish-speaking circles of the political and artistic left" (Schoolfield 21; see also 10-1). He managed at the same time, then, to socialize in groups that consisted of Finnish speaking working class people, of Swedish speaking working class cliques, and of members of the Swedish speaking upper educated class. Diktonius's social capital consisted of his membership in all of these three groups, a capital of which he often made use, in order to get his writings published, to earn money, or to garner publicity. According to the sociologists, the Swedish speaking working class population in Helsinki had quite intensive social relations across the language barrier while the language groups kept more to themselves among the bourgeoisie (Allardt and Starck 151). One can ask, then, whether even his unusual social mobility is a part of his habitus, a practice in which he was at home due to his origins.
It is a fact of significance that Diktonius entered the Finno-Swedish literary scene with the help of his Finnish speaking acquaintances (Enckell 70-2, 112-3). Diktonius's first book, Min dikt [My poem] in 1921, was rejected by the Finno-Swedish publishers. His connections to the Finnish communist leader Otto Ville Kuusinen and Kuusinen's contacts in Stockholm were of major importance for the publication of the volume. His second book, moreover, Harda sanger [Hard Songs] (1922), brought out by the short-lived publisher Daimon, was printed thanks to his Finnish contacts (see a letter from Axel Adalstrom to Harry Blomberg 8.9.1922 SLSA; see also Sevanen 209).
According to the Finnish literary sociologist Erkki Sevanen (16-7), Finnish literary life was divided into three distinct camps by the beginning of the twentieth century: the bourgeois literature written in Finnish, the literature written in Swedish, and the literature of the working class. By the end of the 1930s, Diktonius had been active within all the three. This broadly-based constituency was definitely not common among the Finnish or the Finno-Swedish authors and was at least partly, I think, due to his habitus in a social class within which bilingualism and contacts across linguistic boundaries were commonplace.
In this article, I have related author Elmer Diktonius's bilingualism to two contexts: the Finno-Swedish social class and its corresponding literary community. I have shown that bilingualism was not an asset within the Finno-Swedish literary arena of the time. It was, however, an important and central aspect of Diktonius's social background and his working class/lower or middle class habitus. Diktonius even managed--despite bilingualism's negative valence--to benefit from his bilingualism when he moved from one linguistic, cultural group and context into another. Seen as cultural capital it was not an asset. But understood as social capital, it clearly, in the case of Diktonius, was an advantage.
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