While numerous studies have analyzed women's portrayals in U.S. general market television as well as depiction of both sexes in several foreign countries, no data have been published regarding gender depictions targeted to the growing U.S. Hispanic market via Spanish-language television. A content analysis of 162 prime-time commercials from a Spanish-Language television affiliate in a major U.S. market revealed depiction of women is most likely to be in traditional sexstereotypical roles. In only a few cases was a male character cast as a parent or performer of household chores, and never as a homemaker. Some of the commercials appeared to be "re-treads" of general market creative edited for the Hispanic market.
Hispanic Market and Media. According to the U.S. census bureau, more than 30 million Hispanic Americans live in the United States, comprising more than 11 percent of the nation's total. It is estimated that there will be 40.4 million Hispanic Americans in the year 2010.1 The Hispanic-American population is projected to exceed the African-American population in the early twenty-first century to become the largest ethnic group in the United States. In response to this growth, Spanish-language television has emerged as the most important medium by which advertisers attempt to reach the Hispanic segment of the population, with an estimated 80 percent of U.S. Hispanic advertising budgets earmarked for television.2
Hispanics are gaining in economic affluence and buying power,3 and the growing subculture has become a lucrative target for marketers as companies attempt to capture the Hispanic dollar. Ad spending to Hispanic consumers has increased steadily and was projected to gain another 17 percent in 1997 to $1.4 billion.4 A few hours spent watching Univision or Telemundo, the two major Spanish-language television networks,s will reveal a variety of major advertisers including Procter & Gamble, AT&T, and Sears, many with specially produced Spanish-language spots targeted specifically to the Hispanic audience.
Though interest in the Hispanic consumer market is growing and revenues for Spanish-language television are climbing, little research has been done regarding Hispanic advertising and specifically Spanish-language television commercials. A review of the literature revealed no formal content analyses of images contained in Spanish-language television commercials.
Theoretical Framework. The theoretical foundation for this study resides in (1) cultivation theory, (2) acculturation theory, and (3) the dual-role theory of ethnic media.
Cultivation Theory. Cultivation theory suggests that over time, people who are exposed to a particular view of the world on television, begin to accept this world as reality.b As an example, even brief exposure to sexstereotyped advertising has been found to play a role in reinforcing gender stereotypes in society.7 Gender stereotypes in advertising are believed to influence society's "perception of appropriate sex roles" and in some cases reinforce negative notions about the role of women in society.8 Therefore, it is appropriate to investigate the level of sex role stereotyping and the nature of gender portrayal in the rapidly growing and influential medium of Spanish-language television advertising.
Acculturation. Spanish-language television plays a critical role in the assimilation and integration of Hispanics into U.S. society.y When immigrants come to the United States they bring with them the language, customs, values, and traditions of their home country. Little by little they begin to blend native traditional values with dominant U.S. cultural values. This process is known as acculturation. As Hispanics mix into U.S. society, they are exposed to many agents of acculturation which help them learn about U.S. culture. Spanish-language television assists in the acculturation process by bringing American culture to the Hispanic population "who might otherwise be linguistically and culturally isolated from American society."1
Dual-Role Theory. Research on the dual-role theory of ethnic media indicates that ethnic media, such as Spanish-language television, serve two purposes for the immigrant population-one of assimilation into the mainstream culture and one of pluralism or maintenance of their ethnic heritage.11 Spanish-language media provide a means for assimilation for Hispanics, and also reinforce and help maintain their ethnic cultural identity. Spanishlanguage television is a vital information link for U.S. Hispanics.l2 It not only offers entertainment, cultural events, politics, and news about mainstream America, but also provides information about other Spanish-speaking countries around the world. Many third- and fourth-generation Hispanics are highly assimilated into the U.S. culture but are seeking information and wish to embrace the heritage of their parents and grandparents. U.S. Spanishlanguage television, with its extended news coverage of Latin America and abundance of Mexican and Venezuelan-produced entertainment programs, may serve not only to acculturate newly arrived Hispanics but also provide ethnic pluralism for third- and fourth-generation Hispanics.13
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to describe in detail the manner in which Hispanic women and men are portrayed in U.S. network Spanish-language television, and to the extent possible, compare the findings herein with existing studies of the portrayal of men and women in major U.S. media and media in other countries.
Review of the Literature
Sex Role Stereotypes in U.S. Television Advertising. Early content analyses as well as more recent studies have found that sex-role stereotypes existed in U.S. television commercials.14 The typical woman, as seen in U.S. television commercials, has been a housewife and a mother, dependent on her male counterpart for making decisions and giving advice. One study described U.S. advertising as portraying women in one of two roles: "attracting and attaining a man, and then serving him in the role of housewife and mother."15
Men and women were portrayed differently in ads, according to these studies, with women in an inferior, dominated role. Women were less likely to be central characters in television advertisements, seldom portrayed as authorities on the products being advertised and often pictured in their homes, while men were featured more often as authorities and pictured in settings away from home such as work or outdoors.16
Research since 1990 has indicated that while some progress had been made in the area of gender portrayal, sex role stereotyping still exists.17 One study revealed that program daypart was related to differences in gender portrayal. Commercials shown during prime time to a more general audience tend to be less stereotypical and more balanced in portrayal of men and women, while daytime commercials show women in a more traditional domestic role.18 Commercials shown during weekend sports programming are dominated with men as the central characters, and women are more likely to appear and to be provocatively dressed in prime-time commercials.19 Craig concluded that advertisers "construct the ad in ways that reinforce the image of gender most familiar to and comfortable for their target audience."20
Analysis of Sex-Roles in Foreign Television Commercials. Craig's21 suggestion that gender portrayal is constructed to reinforce the images that are held by the viewing audience is echoed in the findings of advertising content analyses from other countries. Portrayals have been found to vary with each country's culture and attitudes toward women in society.22 Overall, however, gender portrayal fits the stereotypical model of the woman as the inferior, less-important housewife and the male as the authoritative, dominant business man. In Mexico, where the women's movement was slower to develop and traditional views of women as wives and mothers are deeply held, the commercials show women in dependent roles.23 In Australia, Gilly found that the television commercials portrayed men and women more equally in the type of product they advertised, their settings, marital status, occupation, whether they acted as a spokesperson, whether they were the recipients or providers of help or advice, and their activity or frustration level.24
Conversely, the status of working women in Japan was below that of their counterparts in the United States. A comparison of the television commercials in both countries revealed that while women were shown as inferior to men, American women were seen more often in high-level business occupations while Japanese women were more often depicted as entertainers.25
In British television, females appeared more frequently as product users and males as product authorities. Portrayed as younger and more likely to stay at home than males, females were depicted more often in a dependent role, while males more often assumed the role of narrator.26 A follow-up study found that sex role differences had been reduced in some categories and that stereotypical portrayals had changed for both sexes.27
U.S. Hispanic Culture. The Hispanic market makes up 11.4 percent of the total U.S. population28 and is concentrated heavily in metropolitan areas, particularly in the southwest and western regions.29 The word Hispanic derives from Hispania Iberian peninsula (Spain). The term Hispanic is commonly used to refer to residents of the United States who trace their family background to Spain or one of the Spanish-speaking Latin American nations.30 There are several other terms used to describe this population, including Latino, Chicano and Mexican-American, but Hispanic has become the one most used by social scientists because it is neither offensive nor politically linked.31 Hispanic is not a racial label, but an ethnic group. Most Hispanics are a racial mix of white Europeans, Indigenous Indians, and Africans. As a group they share similar cultural values, customs, and language.32 The Hispanic culture, in general, emphasizes such values as family, fatalism, dignity, respect, spirituality, and personalism. Unlike the Anglo culture the Hispanic culture favors "collaboration and interdependence over confrontation and competition."33
On average, Hispanic families are larger than African-American and Anglo families and fertility rates are higher.34 It is not unusual for three generations of Hispanics to live in one household.35 Sex roles in the Hispanic culture are seen as traditional and conservative, with women tending to the home and children and men working away from home to support the family. However, many Hispanic families do not fit this traditional role; more than half of Hispanic women in the United States work outside of the home, almost as many as in the Anglo population.36
Most Hispanics see themselves as spirited and lively, and according to the findings of focus groups sponsored by the American Marketing Association, they enjoy commercials that portray them as such.37 They also express preference for the use of music in commercials which conveys an upbeat nature. Some Hispanics have said that they do not like commercials that are dubbed versions of the general market spots or ones that use formal Spanish since the use of Spanish has dwindled among second- and third-generation Hispanics. The variety of ethnic backgrounds that make up the Hispanic community results in some language barriers in terms of expressions, dialects, and idioms. However, most Spanish-dominant and Spanish-preferred Hispanics-the largest Hispanic market segments38-prefer ads using spoken Spanish and those featuring Hispanic models.39
As a group, Hispanics watch as much English-language as Spanishlanguage media40, but those born outside of the United States, particularly women, spend more time watching Spanish-language television. A 1997 survey among Hispanic women in northern California reported that 46 percent of respondents had been influenced by Spanish-language television versus only 23 percent by English language TV commercials41 and they were more likely to believe what they viewed on Spanish-language television.
Three research questions were addressed in this study:
(1) Using established coding schemes, what is the manifest content of U.S. Spanish-language television commercials?
(2) Does the commercial content reflect traditional sex roles of the U.S. Hispanic subculture as described in the literature?
(3) How does content regarding portrayal of men and women compare with the content of U.S. general market television advertising?
Quantitative analysis of commercial content was the method chosen. Much precedent exists for benchmarking the portrayal of various demographic segments, especially women, in the literature 42 While content analysis does not provide the texture of the individual commercial-as-awhole, its strength is the ability to demonstrate trends across media messages.43
Sample. Eighteen hours of prime-time programming (7 p.m.-10 p.m. central standard time) from the Univision Network affiliate in Dallas, Texas, were collected between 29 December 1997 and 7 January 1998. Univision prime-time programming was selected, rather than Telemundo or other Spanish programming, because in most major U.S. markets Univision primetime programs command the highest market share among Hispanics." Recorded tapes were edited to include only product/service advertisements and public service announcements, but not station promotions, which were considered to be more a reflection of network programming than advertising.
The editing of programming material resulted in a pool of 162 commercials to be analyzed. Among the 162 commercials, 70 aired two or more times during the taping period, and all duplicates were eliminated. The process of eliminating duplicate commercials was in keeping with other similar studies.5' This left a total of 92 commercials to be coded.
Coding. An instrument of analysis employing a compilation of categories and coding schemes from several different studies was used: coding schemes from Craig46 for "characters present"; from Bretl and Cantor47' for "setting" and "primary narrator"; from Goffman48 for "male/female relationship roles"; from Soley and Kurzbard49 for "sexual content," "sexual contact," and "degree of dress"; from McArthur and Resko50 for "primary role"; and from Gagnard51 for "attractiveness, successfulness and happiness index." Sixteen items involved the commercial-as-a-whole (such as whether the primary narrator was male or female), followed by 21 pieces of data for up to two primary male adult characters and two primary female adult characters in each commercial. Using the guideline set by Schneider and Schneider,52 a primary character was defined as one who was on-camera for a minimum of three seconds or had at least one line of dialogue. Since the purpose of the study was to capture the overall commercial images, it was decided that in instances where there was more than one "leading character," up to two should be included for each sex. It should be noted that this coding procedure did little to omit any characters who would be considered "primary" beyond the four allowed for.
Two coders, one male Hispanic advertising executive bilingual in Spanish and English who was not affiliated with the Univision network, and an English-speaking female advertising professor,53 evaluated the commercials. The commercials were first translated into English by the Hispanic advertising executive. Then each commercial was played a minimum of three times, after which the coders made independent evaluations using paper-and-pencil questionnaires. After independent evaluation of each commercial, data of the two coders were compared, disagreements were recorded and subsequently resolved by discussion, and a single set of data emerged for analysis.
Intercoder reliability. The 92 commercials yielded a total of 119 codable primary characters, which resulted in a total of 3,972 judgments. From that total, 87 disagreements were recorded and resolved. Using the Holsti methods54 for intercoder reliability, an overall reliability coefficient of .978 was computed.
(1) Commercial Content. Of the 92 commercials, 83 were paid product or service spots and 9 were public service announcements (PSAs). Most (84.8%) were 30 seconds in length, with the remainder (15.2%) 15 seconds. All but 2 of the commercials were in Spanish only, with 1 in English only and 1 in both Spanish and English. This finding was not surprising since in October 1997 Univision issued a directive to all providers of commercial material for the network that all verbal elements, including superimpositions, except for actual brand names, be in Spanish only.55
Commercial sponsors. The 92 commercials represented a variety of sponsors, themost prominent being services (16.3%), packaged goods (15.2%), retailers (9.8%), over-the-counter medicines (9.8%), and PSA (9.8%).sb Other types of advertising included quick service restaurants (8.7%), entertainment (8.7%), music (7,6%), automotive (4.3%), alcohol (2.2%), personal products (4.3%), and other (3.390).
Target/Narrator. Based on the creative message, the apparent target of the pool of commercials was most often a dual-sex audience (72.8%), with an estimated 21.8% targeted specifically to women and 5.4% to men. However, almost 3 out of 4 (70.3%) had male-only narration or speakers, while 27.5% were narrated by females and 2.2% featured both male and female voices. Of the 119 primary characters, 63 (53.0%) were female and 56 (47.0%) were male. Riffe, Place, and Mayo found that general market prime time commercials featured men (53%) more often than women (47%).57
Character Mix. Almost one-third of the commercials featured an all-- adult mixed-sex cast, (see Table 1) followed by commercials featuring a mixture of ages and sexes. In only two commercials was a male adult shown alone with children or teens.
Setting. Business settings or multiple settings (17.4% each) were featured most often, followed by commercials set away from the home (14.1%), those taking place in a room other than the kitchen or bathroom (14.1%), in a restaurant (9.8%), in the kitchen (8.7%), outside of the home (4.3%), social settings (2.2%), and the bathroom (1.1%).
Goffman Sex Roles. Using Goffman's scale of male/female roles,58 more than half of the 92 commercials were found to portray either men or women in stereotypical male-dominant or otherwise stereotypical roles (see Table 2). More than one-fourth did not involve the Goffman roles as described, fewer than 1 in 10 featured "equal" roles, and only 3 commercials found men and women in reverse stereotypical roles.
Sexual Content and Contact. Almost one-fourth (23.9%) of the commercials featured sexual content, defined by Soley and Kurzbard as "advertisements containing verbal sexual references, those depicting male/female contact and portraying suggestively clad, partially clad and nude models."59 Coders were instructed to record the highest level of sexual contact shown. Within the 22 commercials, the most frequently occurring highest form of contact included dancing or other touching (81.8%, n=18), eye contact (13.6%, n=3), and holding hands (4.5%, n=1).
Roles of Primary Characters. A chi-square analysis revealed several significant patterns in male and female portrayals (see Table 3). Men were significantly (p < .05) less likely to be cast as a homemaker, responsible for the home, performing household chores, or as a parent (p < .06 approaching significance). Males were also significantly more likely to be featured in professional roles (p < .05). Conversely, the parental role was the most common for female characters (37.1%).
Degree of Dress. Degree of dress was coded according to Soley and Kurzbard's guidelines.60 Those dressed normally were coded as fully dressed, those with open blouses exposing cleavage or chest areas or those with extremely tight clothing or lingerie were considered suggestively clad, and those in bathing suits or with exposed breasts or midriffs were coded as partially clad. In the present study, though most models were fully clothed, women were more likely to be suggestively dressed (see Table 4; p < .05). In all but three cases involving male characters, men were fully dressed.
Age of Characters. More than 1 in 4 male characters were over the age of 40, compared with less than 15% of female characters (see Table 5). The differences were not significant (p = .09).
Relation of Characters to Products Advertised. In 40% of character depictions, actors were portrayed as representatives or spokespersons who apparently used the product advertised (see Table 6). One in 5 characters had no apparent relation to the product being advertised.
Attractiveness, Successfulness, Happiness. Women appearing in the Spanish-language television commercials were judged to be more attractive and happier (see Table 7) than their male counterparts, though these findings were directional and not significant. Successfulness ratings for men and women were comparable. Using Gagnard's computation of a Yendex,61 Hispanic women possessed a slightly higher Yendex, or level of desirability, than did Hispanic males, but the difference was not significant.
(2) Sex Role Portrayal. In Spanish-language television commercials women are portrayed frequently, though primarily in traditional roles. They are often shown as traditional homemakers who are happily and successfully taking care of their families and homes. This finding seems to be consistent with the Hispanic culture which values the family and views the woman as the keeper of the household.
This study did not find an overt amount of sexual content in the television commercials. Though criticism of the suggestive nature of Univision programming has been levied 62 there was almost no evidence of verbal sexual references in the commercials and only one-fourth of the commercials had any type of visual sexual images. Activities such as dancing, hugging, and friendly kissing were featured. In 90% of cases, the dress of both men and women was coded as "normal," and not "suggestive" or "partial" (see Table 4). Since the majority of the roles portrayed were parents and homemakers for women and professionals for men, it would not be expected that their dross would be sexually suggestive.
Though women were portrayed as sex objects or as adjuncts to men more often than men were adjunct to women, the sex object role appeared relatively infrequently. Men and women were portrayed equally often as a lover or spouse, but again the role was also infrequent.
(3) Comparisons with U.S. General Market. Traditional, male-dominant relationships and roles are prevalent in U.S. Spanish-language advertising just as they are in the U.S. general market. The findings of this study show that in Spanish-language commercials almost half of the time women are portrayed in the primary role of parents and homemakers while men are portrayed in these domestic roles significantly less frequently, and that men are portrayed in the primary role of professional about one-third of the time while women are seen as professionals significantly less often. This is similar to studies of U.S. general market commercials63 where women are primarily portrayed in domestic roles and men are portrayed as businessmen.
Spanish-language advertising contains approximately the same amount of sexual content, about one-fourth, as U.S. general market advertising and features about the same amount of suggestively clad models.64 However partially clad and nude models were more prevalent in the U.S. general market advertising65 than in Hispanic ads, with no nude models found in Spanish-language television.
Hispanic women were portrayed as primary characters slightly more often than men in this study, a finding inconsistent with general market content analyses,66 though consistent with studies in other countries67 where women are more often featured.
This study, the first of its kind, found that sex role stereotypes exist in Spanish-language television commercials, but to no greater extent and in some cases to a lesser extent than they do in U.S. general market television advertising. Furthermore, these sex-role stereotypes are in keeping with the traditional norms of the Hispanic culture. One commercial for All-State Insurance depicted a family at night asleep in their beds. The commercial showed the mother and father, children, and grandparents. The extended family in one household is very common in the Hispanic community. Many commercials, including one for Bounty Paper Towels, portrayed a mother taking care of children. In the Bounty spot, an attractive, young Hispanic woman was cleaning up the spills caused by children at a birthday party. The scene was hectic with children laughing and running around the kitchen, but mom was under control with Bounty paper towels.
It has been alleged that sexual imagery is prevalent in Spanish-language television programming, but this study revealed that there is limited sexual imagery in Hispanic television commercials. This finding could be a function of the types of products being advertised and the companies sponsoring the ads. For example, many of the ads were for family products such as diapers, children's aspirin, or fruit-flavored drink mix. These ads portrayed a traditional family at home using these products to make their lives more pleasant. In contrast, however, commercials for compact discs for musical artists were more romantic and slightly more sexually provocative. One spot showed a couple embracing while the music of the featured CD artist played loudly. Another spot for a music CD showed a young, female singer in a sexually revealing costume singing on-stage. However, the number of commercials of this type was relatively infrequent.
Though most of the commercials in the present study were targeted specifically to Hispanics and all, except one, were in Spanish-language, the concepts of the commercials sometimes appeared borrowed from general market advertising and simply translated into Spanish. Three of the commercials in this study were recognized by coders as having run in general market television. This finding could indicate that Spanish-language advertising is, at least to a degree, simply a "re-tread" of general market U.S. advertising and not truly a reflection of the Hispanic community. An example of a "re-tread" included a spot for Crest Total toothpaste which was run on general market as well as Spanish-language television. The commercial showed scenes of a man going through his day, from morning at home with his family, to the office, to a night club in the evening with his wife. A voice-over narrator explained that Crest Total keeps working throughout your day. The man was white skinned with dark hair and eyes and had no speaking parts. This spot was run in general market with an English voice-over and on Spanishlanguage television with a Spanish voice-over. The features of the man and the fact that he did not speak allowed the spot to be used in both general market and Spanish-language television by merely translating the voice-over audio.
Major U.S. consumer products companies appear to be advertising to the lucrative Hispanic market in many of the same ways that they advertise to the general market. In view of the findings reported here, it would be useful to obtain consumer evaluation of the content of the commercials to gauge the "comfort level" of Hispanic viewers of Spanish-language television with the commercials therein. It might also be helpful to assess the language characteristics or advertising appeal of the Spanish-language television commercials. Of particular interest would be consumer evaluation of the edited version of general market commercials ("re-treads") and whether they were considered out of place or different than those generated specifically for Spanish-language television.
1. U.S. Census Bureau web site, http:/ /www.census.gov
2. Sabrina Goodson and Mary Alice Shaver, "Hispanic Marketing: National Advertiser Spending Patterns and Media Choices," Journalism Quarterly 71 (spring 1994): 191-98.
3. Paul Herbig and Rama Yelkur, "Differences Between Hispanic and Anglo Consumer Expectations," Management Decision 35 (January-February 1997): 125-28.
4. John Kirkpatrick, "Muy grande market," Dallas Morning News, 30 December 1997, sec. D, p. 1.
5. For more information on Telemundo and Univision, see Federico A. Subervi-Velez et al., "Mass Communication and Hispanics" in Handbook of Hispanic Cultures in the United States: Sociology (1994), ed. F. Padilla (Houston, TX: Arte Publico Press, 1994): 304-357.
6. George Gerbner, "Cultivation Analysis: An Overview," Mass Communication and Society 1 (summer 1998): 175-94.
7. Sue Lafky, Margaret Duffy, Mary Steinmaus, and Dan Berkowitz, "Looking Through tendered Lenses: Female Stereotyping in Advertisements and Gender Role Expectations," Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 73 (summer 1996): 379-88.
8. Mary C. Gilly, "Sex Roles in Advertising: A Comparison of Television Advertisements in Australia, Mexico and the United States," Journal of Marketing 52 (April 1988): 75-85.
9. Isabel M. Valdes and Marta H. Seone, Hispanic Market Handbook (Detroit, MI: Gale Research, Inc., 1995).
10. Valdes and Seone, Hispanic Market Handbook, 257.
11. Federico A. Subervi-Velez, "The Mass Media and Ethnic Assimilation and Pluralism: A Review and Research Proposal with Special Focus on Hispanics," Communication Research 13 (January 1986): 71-96; Stephen Riggins, Ethnic Minority Media (Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1992).
12. Valdes and Seone, Hispanic Market Handbook.
13. Valdes and Seone, Hispanic Market Handbook.
14. Daniel Bretl and Joanne Cantor, "The Portrayal of Men and Women in U.S. Television Commercials: A Recent Content Analysis and Trends over
15 Years," Sex Roles 18 (1988): 595-609; Joseph R. Dominick and Gail E. Rauch,
"The Image of Women in Network TV Commercials," Journal of Broadcasting 16 (summer 1972): 59-265; Gilly, "Sex Roles in Advertising," 75-85; Leslie Z. McArthur and Beth G. Resko, "The Portrayal of Men and Women in American Television Commercials," Journal of Social Psychology 97 (1975): 209-220; Kenneth C. Schneider and Sharon Barich Schneider, "Trends in Sex Roles in Television Commercials," Journal of Marketing 43 (summer 1979): 7984; and Arthur Jay Silverstein and Rebecca Silverstein, "The Portrayal of Women in Television Advertising," Federal Communications Bar Journal 27 (1974): 71-93.
15. Alice E. Courtney and Thomas W. Whipple, Sex Stereotyping in Advertising (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1983).
16. McArthur and Resko, "Portrayal of Men and Women."
17. Stephen R. Craig, "The Effect of Television Day Part on Gender Portrayals in Television Commercials: A Content Analysis," Sex Roles 26 (1992): 197-211.
18. Craig, "The Effect of Television Day Part."
19. Daniel Riffe, Patricia C. Place, and Charles M. Mayo, "Game Time, Soap Time and Prime Time TV Ads: Treatment of Women in Sunday Football and Rest-of-Week Advertising," Journalism Quarterly 70 (summer 1993): 43746.
20. Craig, "The Effect of Television Day Part."
21. Craig, "The Effect of Television Day Part."
22. Adrian Furnham and Nadine Bitar, "The Stereotyped Portrayal of Men and Women in British Television Advertisements," Sex Roles 29 (1993): 297-311; Adrian Furnham and Virginia Voli, "Gender Stereotypes in Italian Television Advertisements," Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media 33 (spring 1989): 175-85; Gilly, "Sex Roles in Advertising," 75-85; Mary W. Mwangi, "Gender Roles Portrayed in Kenyan Television Commercials," Sex Roles 34 (1996): 205-214; Subir Sengupta, "The Influence of Culture on Portrayals of Women in Television Commercials: A Comparison Between the United States and Japan," International journal of Advertising 14 (fall 1995): 314-20; Chow-Hou Wee, Mei-Lan Choong, and Siok-Kuan Tambyah, "Sex Role Portrayal in Television Advertising," International Marketing Review 13 (1995): 49-64; Charles R. Wiles, Judith A. Wiles, and Anders Tjernlund, "The Ideology of Advertising: The United States and Sweden," Journal of Advertising Research (May/June 1996): 57-65; and Nan Zhou Nan and Mervin Y.T. Chen, "A Content Analysis of Men and Women in Canadian Magazine Advertising: Today's Portrayal, Yesterday's Image?" Journal of Business Ethics 16 (1997): 485-95.
23. Gilly, "Sex Roles in Advertising."
24. Gilly, "Sex Roles in Advertising."
25. Sengupta, "Influence of Culture."
26. Furnham and Bitar, "Stereotyped Portrayal."
27. Adrian Furnham and Emma Skae, "Stereotypical Portrayal of Men and Women in British Television Advertisements," European Psychologist 2 (1997): 44-51.
28. U.S. Census Bureau's web site, http:/ /www.census.gov
29. Herbig and Yelkur, "Differences Between."
30. Gerardo Maria and Barbara VanOss Maria, Research with Hispanic Populations (Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1991). Also George M. Foster, "Contemporary Hispanic American Culture: The Product of Acculturation," in Latinos in the United States, Historical Themes and Identity, ed. Antoinette Sedillo Lopez (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc.,1995),17
31. Marin and Marin, Research with Hispanic Populations.
32. Marin and Marin, Research with Hispanic Populations.
33. Maria Gomez and Ruth E. Fassinger, "An Initial Model of Latina Achievement: Acculturation, Biculturalism and Achieving Styles," Journal of Counseling Psychology 41 (1994): 205-215.
34. Frank Bean, Elizabeth H. Stephen, and Wolfgang Opitz, "The Mexican Origin Population in the United States: A Demographic Overview," in Ignored Voices: Public Opinion Polls and the Latino Community, ed. Rodolfo de la Garza (Austin, TX: CMAS University of Texas, 1985), 32-41.
35. Jacqueline Sanchez, "Some Approaches Are Better Than Others When Approaching Hispanics," Marketing News, 25 May 1992, 8.
36. Susan Welch and Lee Sigelman, "A Gender Gap Among Hispanics? A Comparison with Blacks and Anglos," The Western Political Quarterly 45 (March 1992): 181-99.
37. Sanchez, "Some Approaches."
38. Valdes and Seone, Hispanic Market Handbook.
39. Sanchez, "Some Approaches."
40. Valdes and Seone, Hispanic Market Handbook; Tomas Rivera Policy Institute, Talking Back to Television: Latinos discuss how television portrays them and the quality of programming options (Claremorent, CA: The Tomas Rivera Policy Institute, 1998).
41. "Communicating on the Customer's Terms: Hispanics Want More Conversation, Values," Minority Market Alert 5, 1 May 1997, 5.
42. See for example Bretl and Cantor, "Portrayal of Men and Women in U.S. Television Commercials"; Alice E. Courtney and Sarah W. Lockeretz, "A Woman's Place: An Analysis of the Roles Portrayed by Women in Magazine Advertisements," Journal of Marketing Research 8 (February 1971): 92-95; Craig, "The Effect of Television Day Part"; Dominick and Rauch, "The Image of Women in Network TV Commercials"; Schneider and Schneider, "Trends in Sex Roles"; and Silverstein and Silverstein, "The Portrayal of Women in Television Advertising."
43. See Ole R. Holsti, Content Analysis for the Social Sciences and Humanities (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley Publishing Co.,1969).
44. Kelli Reagan, "Habla DRTV?" Response TV,1 August 1997, 27.
45. Schneider and Schneider, "Trends in Sex Roles."
46. Craig, "The Effect of Television Day Part."
47. Bretl and Cantor, "Portrayal of Men and Women in U.S. Television Commercials."
48. Erving Goffman, Gender Advertisements (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1976).
49. Lawrence Soley and Gary Kurzbard, "Sex in Advertising: A Comparison of 1964 and 1984 Magazine Advertisements, ' Journal of Advertising 15 (fall 1986): 46-54.
50. McArthur and Resko, "Portrayal of Men and Women."
51. Alice Gagnard, "From Feast to Famine: Depiction of Ideal Body Type in Magazine Advertising:1950-1984," cited in Women in Mass Communication, 2d ed., ed. Pamela J. Creedon (Newbury Park: Sage Publications, 1993).
52. Schneider and Schneider, "Trends in Sex Roles."
53. The authors acknowledge that there are limitations to this study because both coders were not fluent in Spanish and because the commercials were translated and then evaluated in English.
54. Holsti, Content Analysis for the Social Sciences and Humanities
55. From Univision internal memo dated 20 October 97.
56. Public Service Announcements Operation Lifesaver to promote seatbelt usage, Drug Fred by the American Cancer Society to spots), McGruff's "Take a Bite nonsmoking, the U.S. Department of Crime" campaign, AmeriTransportation's Operation Lifesaver to promote seatbelt usage, Drug Free Americs (2 spots), McGruff's "Take a Bite Out of Crime" campaign, American Heart Association, and Goodwill Industries.
57. Riffe, Place, and Mayo, "Game Time, Soap Time and Prime Time TV Ads."
58. See Goffman, Gender Advertisements.
59. Soley and Kurzbard,, "Sex in Advertising: A Comparison of 1964 and 1984 Magazine Advertisements."
60. See Soley and Kurzbard, "Sex in Advertising: A Comparison of 1964 and 1984 Magazine Advertisements."
61. For Gagnard's computation of a Yendex see"From Feast to Famine: Depiction of Ideal Body Type in Magazine Advertising: 1950-1984." 62. Kathleen Murray, "Banging the Drums as Spanish TV Comes of Age," The New York Times, 10 April 1994, late edition, p. 10.
63. See Dominick and Rauch, "The Image of Women in Network TV Commercials";McArthur and Resko, "Portrayal of Men and Women;" Brett and Cantor," Portrayal of Men and Women in U.S. Television Commercials"; and Craig, "The Effect of Television Day Part."
64. Soley and Kurzbard, "Sex in Advertising: A Comparison of 1964 and 1984 Magazine Advertisements."
66. See Craig,"The Effect Television Day Part;" Riffle, Place, and Mayo, "Game Time, Soap Time and Prime Time TV Ads;" and Schneider and Schneider, "Trends in Sex Roles."
67. See Mwangi, "Gender Roles Portrayed in Kenyan Television Commercials;" Wiles, Wiles, and Tjernlund, "The Ideology of Advertising: The United States and Sweden;" and Zhou and Chen, "A Content Analysis of Men and Women in Canadian Magazine Advertising."
Jami A. Fullerton is assistant professor of advertising in the School of Journalism and Broadcasting at Oklahoma State University, and Alice Kendrick is professor of advertising at Southern Methodist University. The authors would like to acknowledge the valuable assistance and expertise of Augustine Jalomo of Dieste & Partners, Dallas, Texas, and Daisha Cipher of Southern Methodist University Academic Computing Services.…