In this study, we explored the relationships among gender and diet type (weight loss, weight gain, not dieting) on body image perceptions and psychological well-being in a sample of high school students. Our findings showed (1) that young women were more likely to be dieting to lose weight while young men were more likely to be dieting to gain weight and (2) that those high in the drive for thinness were most likely to be dieting to lose weight while those high in the drive for muscularity were most likely to be dieting to gain weight. The data also revealed that dieting to lose weight was associated with reporting significantly more depressive symptoms than dieting to gain weight or not being on a diet at all. The importance of distinguishing between boys' and girls' body image concerns was discussed.
Key Words: gender differences, adolescents, dieting, body image, drive for muscularity
Past research examining gender differences in dieting behavior has shown that adolescent girls are more likely than adolescent boys to be trying to lose weight, and that underweight and normal weight girls are just as likely as overweight girls to be dieting (Rosen & Gross, 1987). At any given time, between 28% and 67% of normal weight adolescent girls are on a diet to lose weight (Huon & Brown, 1986; Kelly & Patten, 1985; Rosen & Gross, 1987), whereas significantly fewer numbers of normal weight adolescent boys are trying to lose weight (Olivardia, Pope, Mangweth, & Hudson, 1995; Rosen & Gross, 1987). Furthermore, girls are more likely than boys to be anorexic, bulimic, and to feel that various parts of their body are too big (Davis & Fox, 1993; Olivardia et al., 1995). The desire to be thinner also is associated with poorer self-esteem and the presence of a greater number of depressive symptoms among women and girls (e.g., Carpenter, Hasin, Allison, & Faith, 2000; Oates-Johnson & DeCourville, 1999).
Based on findings such as these, researchers have focussed almost exclusively on the dieting behaviors and body image perceptions of girls and women, assuming that, because boys and men diet to lose weight less frequently than girls and women, they -- boys and men -- are not as concerned with their bodies (e.g., Pine, 2001). However, this is not the case. What research there is suggests that boys and men are just as concerned with their bodies, but that most researchers have been asking them the wrong questions. That is, because the social standard of bodily attractiveness for girls and women is about being thin, researchers ask them about their feelings of being fat and their attempts to lose weight (i.e., a drive for thinness). In addition, they also try to measure the extent to which these attitudes and behaviors put girls and women at risk for clinical eating disorders (e.g., anorexia nervosa and bulimia).
The social standard of bodily attractiveness for boys and men, on the other hand, is a muscular mesomorphic shape (Mishkind, Rodin, Silberstein, & Striegel-Moore, 1986), focussing the members of this gender on what McCreary and Sasse (2000) refer to as the drive for muscularity. The social desirability of the muscular mesomorphic body shape for males has been demonstrated in several ways: (a) men will often pick the muscular mesomorphic shape as their ideal (e.g., Pope et al., 2000); (b) adolescent and adult males believe that women look for muscularity in their ideal man (Cohn & Adler, 1992; Jacobi & Cash, 1994; O'Dea & Abraham, 1999; (c) women actually are more attracted to men with a well-muscled torso (Maisey et al., 1999), albeit not as muscular as men think (Pope et al., 2000); and (d) when young, heterosexual men are presented with a picture of a sexually attractive woman, their body image changes and they become focussed on their lack of physical bulk (Lavine, Sweeney, & Wagner, 1999). Finally, approximately 80% of adolescent boys and girls believe that muscularity is an important feature in the ideal body prototype for teenage boys (Jones, 2001). Because of this gender difference in socially desirable body size, asking normal weight boys or men about whether they are on a diet to lose weight and want to be thinner is misguided; researchers need to ask them about whether they feel parts of their body are too small and whether they are (or believe they need to be) on a diet to gain weight or exercising to become more muscular.
Research exploring the extent to which boys and men use diet to satisfy their desire to become bigger is sparse, and evidence comes only from a variety of indirect sources. First, boys and men tend to think they are lighter and smaller than they really are. Researchers have shown that between 28% and 68% of normal weight boys are trying to, or want to, gain weight, even though there is no health-related or physical need to do so (e.g., Cohn et al., 1987; Drewnowski & Yee, 1987; Huenemann, Shapiro, Hampton, & Mitchell, 1966; Kelly & Patten, 1985; Moore, 1990; Raudenbush & Zellner, 1997; Rosen & Gross, 1987; Wang, Yesalis, Fitzhugh, Buckley, & Smiciklas-Wright, 1994). For example, O'Dea and Rawstorne (2001) observed that 28% of their sample of adolescent males were trying to gain weight and that many were using diet to do so (e.g., eating more food, eating more fatty foods and junk food). A second, and related, finding is that, although boys are more likely than girls to be overweight (Troiano & Flegal, 1998), boys tend not to perceive themselves as such, and are less likely than overweight adolescent girls to be on a weight-reduction diet (Steen, Wadden, Foster, & Andersen, 1996; see McCreary, 2002; McCreary & Sadava, 2001, for similar findings with adults).
Just as the drive for thinness puts girls' and women's physical and mental health at risk, boys' and men's drive to become bigger and more muscular can have a negative impact on their health in several ways. First, as mentioned earlier, because many overweight adolescent boys do not perceive themselves to be overweight, they are less likely to be dieting to lose weight compared to overweight adolescent girls. This leaves boys and men at an increased risk for several weight-related health problems, including type II diabetes, asthma, and obstructive sleep apnea syndrome, as well as coronary artery disease later in life (Courtenay, 2000; Gilmore, 1999; Must et al., 1999; Pi-Sunyer, 1991; Rabkin et al., 1997). However, for those boys who are not overweight, the perception that they are underweight may lead them to take anabolic-androgenic steroids (e.g., Komoroski & Rickert, 1992) and other ergogenic aids (e.g., creatine, androsterone). Researchers have shown that the incidence of boys' and men's anabolic steroid use is equal to the rate of bulimia and greater than the rate of anorexia in girls and women (Spitzer, Henderson, & Zivian, 1999). Anabolic steroids are illicit drugs that can have several adverse physical consequences (e.g., testicular atrophy, increased aggression, kidney and liver damage, reduced immune system functioning, coronary artery disease; see Bahrke et al., 1998; Meilman, Crace, Presley, & Lyerla, 1995; Melia, Pipe, & Greenberg, 1996). The long-term impact of using over-the-counter ergogenic supplements such as creatine and androsterone is not well understood, but short-term evidence suggests they may be similarly harmful (e.g., King et al., 1999). Thus, like the drive for thinness, the drive for muscularity also poses risks to physical health.
In addition to the potentially negative effects on boys' and men's physical health, there are also several mental health implications associated with their desire to be bigger. The drive for muscularity has been shown to be negatively correlated with self-esteem and positively correlated with the presence of depressive symptomatology in adolescent boys but not adolescent girls (McCreary, Dorsch, & Rennebohm, 2001; McCreary & Sasse, 2000). Similarly, underweight men are more likely than normal weight or overweight men to view themselves as unattractive (McCreary & Sadava, 2001), to be depressed, and to have considered or attempted suicide in the past year (Carpenter et al., 2000). The desire to be more muscular also has been associated with an increased incidence of body dysmorphic disorder (BDD) in men (Pope, Gruber, Choi, Olivardia, & Phillips, 1997). BDD is a psychological disorder whereby people become preoccupied with real or imagined problems with their physical appearance; while women tend to focus on the size of their hips and being overweight, men's major preoccupation tends to be their lack of muscularity (Phillips & Diaz, 1997). To date, however, researchers have not explored gender differences in dieting to gain weight or its psychological correlates (e.g., self-esteem, depressive symptoms, anxiety).
Thus, the presence of gender differences in desirable body shapes (i.e., muscular vs. thin) means that the focus of body image perceptions will be different for men/boys and women/girls. With this knowledge, researchers need to go beyond inquiring about dieting to lose weight when they ask boys, girls, men, and women questions about their dieting behaviors. The following study offers a direct comparison of male and female high school students' dieting behaviors and the extent to which these different dieting concerns (i.e., gaining weight vs. losing weight) are associated with body image perceptions (e.g., the drive for thinness, the drive for muscularity) and psychological well-being. It is predicted (1) that young women will be more likely than young men to be on a weight-reducing diet, while young men will be more likely to be a weight-enhancing diet; (2) that those individuals dieting for weight loss will have significantly higher drive for thinness scores, while those dieting for weight gain will report significantly higher drive for muscularity scores; and (3) that young women dieting to lose weight and young men dieting to gain weight will report poorer levels of psychological well-being compared to those not dieting at all.
A total of 197 high school students (101 girls and 96 boys) participated in the present study. Their ages ranged from 16 to 24 years, with an average age of 18 years. Six of the participants were in Grade 10, 62 were in Grade 11, 62 were in Grade 12, and 65 were in Grade 13 (Ontario high schools have a fifth year that is mandatory for those wishing to attend university in the province; thus, the average age upon graduation is 19 years). Ten students were over 20 years of age; however, we chose to keep them in the study because they shared the high school context with their younger, more age-appropriate peers.
Participants completed a pencil-and-paper survey that contained, among other things, several measures of their dieting behavior and body image perceptions. The variables pertinent to the present investigation are outlined below.
Dieting and Relative Weight Status. Students were asked whether they were dieting to lose weight (yes/no) and whether they were dieting to gain weight (yes/no). These two questions were combined into a single, three-level indicator of dieting status: not currently dieting (no/no), dieting to lose weight (yes/no), or dieting to gain weight (no/yes).
The students also reported their height and weight, which were used to calculate their Body Mass Index (BMI; kg/m2). Research has shown that self-reports of height and weight are reliable and valid in adults; they tend to vary only by 1%-3.5% from men's and women's actual height and weight (e.g., Bowman & DeLucia, 1992; Imrhan, Imrhan, & Hart, 1996; Roberts, 1995). However, growth spurts associated with adolescence can distort self-perceptions of height and weight, which in turn may distort BMI scores (Gilmore, 1999). Still, it should be noted that, in the present study, BMI scores are being used only as a validity check for the dieting manipulation and have no beating on the main dependent variables.
Drive for Muscularity. The Drive for Muscularity Scale (DMS; McCreary & Sasse, 2000) is a 15-item questionnaire measuring attitudes and behaviors that reflect people's desire to become bigger and more muscular. Examples include "I wish I were more muscular," "I think I would look better if I gained 10 pounds in bulk," and "I try to consume as many calories as I can in a day." Each item is scored on a six-point scale from "Never" to "Always." Responses were summed, and higher scores indicate a greater drive for muscularity. The DMS has demonstrated good reliability and validity. The Cronbach alpha reliability coefficients for the present sample were .84 (boys) and .72 (girls).
Eating Attitudes Test. The Eating Attitudes Test (EAT; Garner, Olmstead, Bohr, & Garfinkel, 1982) is a frequently used measure of people's desire to be thinner and the behaviors they have adopted to achieve that goal. The EAT consists of 26 items that are associated with anorexia and bulimia nervosa. Respondents rated the extent to which each item applied to them, using a six-point scale from "Never" to "Always." An example is "I am preoccupied with the desire to be thinner." Responses to the EAT items were totalled, and high scores represent a greater drive for thinness. The alpha reliability coefficients for the EAT scale in the present sample were .74 (boys) and .88 (girls).
Body Dissatisfaction. Because the EAT assesses only general attitudes associated with weight, the Body Dissatisfaction (BD) scale from the Eating Disorders Inventory (Garner, Olmstead, & Polivy, 1983) was included in the study as a second indicator of the drive for thinness. The BD scale consists of nine items measuring the extent to which people believe that parts of their body (e.g., stomach, thighs, buttocks) are too large. Thus, the BD scale provides an indication of overall fat-oriented body-dissatisfaction. Each BD item is rated on a six-point scale from "Never" to "Always." The items were summed, and higher scores reflect a greater degree of body dissatisfaction. The alpha reliabilities for the BD scale in this sample were .79 (boys) and .91 (girls).
Self-esteem. The Rosenberg Self-esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1965) is a commonly used 10-item survey measuring global self-esteem. It asks participants to rate positive and negative statements about themselves along a four-point scale ranging from "Strongly Agree" to "Strongly Disagree." A scale total was calculated, and higher scores are indicative of greater self-esteem. The alpha reliability coefficients for this measure were high, .87 (boys) and .85 (girls).
Depressive Symptoms. To measure frequency of self-reported depressive symptoms, we used the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D; Radloff, 1977; 1991). Participants indicated how frequently each of 20 statements applied to them in the past week. Responses were scored on a four-point scale from "Never or Rarely," to "Most." A total CES-D score was computed, and higher scores reflect greater levels of depression. The alpha reliability coefficients for the CES-D in the present sample were .87 (boys) and .88 (girls).
Students were recruited into the study during their English classes. The second author approached each class near the end of the academic year, approximately two weeks before the testing date. She explained the goals of the study, answered any questions, and distributed parental and student consent forms at that time. These forms were collected before the testing began. Only students who had parental consent (if they were under 18 years of age) and agreed themselves to participate (through the individual consent form) completed the questionnaire. Ninety-five percent of the students received parental permission to participate, and only one person with parental permission refused to sign the individual consent form. The questionnaire was approved by the school board's research office, the school principal, and a University Research Ethics Board. A summary of the findings was sent to the school principal and the school board's research office.
To explore gender differences in the relationship between dieting behavior, the drive for muscularity, the drive for thinness, and psychological well-being, we performed two types of analyses: a validity check on our three-level dieting variable and a series of Gender X Dieting analyses of variance. Each of these is described in turn.
To determine the validity of our three-category dieting variable (not dieting, dieting to gain weight, dieting to lose weight), we performed two analyses. The first analysis was a 2 (Gender) X 3 (Dieting Category) chi-square, which was significant, X(2) (3 [N = 190]) = 22.94, p < .0001. The findings showed that there were significantly more young women (74%) than young men (26%) dieting to lose weight and significantly more young men than young women either dieting to gain weight (71% vs. 29%) or not dieting at all (56% vs. 44%). Put another way, 48% of young women and 17% of young men were dieting to lose weight, while 31% of young men and 13% of young women were dieting to gain weight; 52% of the young men and 40% of the young women were not dieting at all. These findings are consistent with previous research showing that girls, more so than boys, are more likely to be dieting to lose weight, while boys are more likely to be dieting to gain weight.
However, gender differences in young men's and women's dieting behaviors may be a function of relative weight (i.e., being overweight or underweight). To determine this, we computed a 2 (Gender) X 3 (Dieting Category) ANOVA using participants' BMI scores as the dependent variable. The ANOVA revealed a significant main effect for Gender, F(1,170) = 31.66, p < .0001, as well as for Dieting Category, F(2,170) = 26.91, p < .0001 (Adj. R(2) = .28). For Gender, the effects were similar to those from previous research showing that young men tend to have higher BMIs than young women (see Table 1). Next, Tukey's post hoc tests explored the main effect for the three Dieting categories, revealing that those dieting to lose weight had significantly higher BMI scores than those dieting to gain weight and those not dieting at all (both ps < .05; see Table 1). There were no significant differences in BMI scores between those not dieting and those dieting to gain weight. The Gender by Dieting interaction was not significant, indicating that overweight young men were just as likely as overweight young women to be on a diet to lose weight, and that underweight young men and women were equally likely to be on a diet to gain weight.
DIETING AND BODY IMAGE PERCEPTIONS
To determine the extent to which dieting behavior is related to the drive for thinness and the drive for muscularity, three 2 (Gender) X 3 (Dieting Category) ANOVAs were performed, using the two drive for thinness measures (EAT and BD) and the one drive for muscularity measure (DMS) as dependent variables (an adjusted p-value of .01 was adopted to control for the increased probability of Type I error associated with the five ANOVAs computed in this, as well as the following, section).
In the first analysis, the EAT was the dependent variable. Both the Gender, F(1,184) = 12.84, p < .0001, and Dieting Category, F(2,184) = 11.65, p < .0001, main effects were significant (Adj. R(2) = .23). As Table 1 shows, our findings revealed that the young women rated themselves significantly higher than the young men in their drive to be thin. Tukey's post hoc tests showed that those dieting to lose weight had significantly higher EAT scores than those trying to gain weight and those not dieting (all ps < .05; see Table 1). There were no significant differences in EAT scores between those not dieting and those dieting to gain weight. The Gender X Dieting Categories interaction also was not significant.
With regard to body dissatisfaction, the 2 X 3 ANOVA revealed significant main effects for both Gender, F(1,184) = 12.46, p < .0001, and Dieting Categories, F(2,184) = 37.03, p < .0001 (Adj. R(2) = .44). The main effect for gender shows that young women reported significantly higher levels of dissatisfaction with the size and shape of their bodies (i.e., a belief that parts of their bodies are too big) compared with young men (see Table 1). Post hoc tests demonstrated that, with regard to the main effect for the three dieting categories, those dieting to lose weight reported higher BD scores than both those dieting to gain weight and those not dieting (both ps < .05; see Table 1). The Gender X Dieting Categories interaction was not significant at the adjusted probability level.
With regard to self-perceptions of the drive for muscularity, the 2 X 3 ANOVA revealed significant main effects for both Gender, F(1,184) = 36.48, p < .0001, and Dieting Categories, F(2,184) = 36.54, p < .0001, but no significant interaction between these two factors (Adj. R.2 = .45). As Table 1 reveals, young men rated themselves significantly higher than young women on the DMS. Post hoc tests examining the main effect for Dieting Categories showed that DMS scores for those dieting to gain weight were significantly higher than for those not dieting or dieting to lose weight (both ps < .05; see Table 1). The difference in DMS scores between those not dieting and those dieting to lose weight was not statistically significant.
DIETING AND PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING
To examine the degree to which gender and dieting behavior are related to psychological well-being, two 2 (Gender) X 3 (Dieting Category) ANOVAs were computed, with self-esteem and depressive symptom scores as the dependent variables. For the analysis in which self-esteem was the dependent variable, there were no significant main effects or interactions. However, when depression was the outcome variable, only a significant main effect for dieting behavior emerged, F(2,183) = 9.52, p < .0001 (Adj. R(2) = .10). Post hoc tests revealed that those dieting to lose weight reported significantly higher rates of depressive symptomatology compared to both those dieting to gain weight and those not dieting (both ps < .05; see Table 1); the difference in depression scores between those not dieting and those dieting to gain weight was not significant.
In this study, we explored three hypotheses: (1) that young women will be dieting to lose weight while young men will be dieting to gain weight; (2) that the drive for thinness will be associated with dieting to lose weight while the drive for muscularity will be associated with dieting to gain weight, regardless of gender; and (3) that young women dieting to lose weight and young men dieting to gain weight will report poorer levels of psychological well-being compared to those not dieting at all. The first hypothesis was supported in that 74% of those dieting to lose weight were girls, while 71% of those dieting to gain weight were boys. The second hypothesis also was supported: those dieting to lose weight had significantly higher EAT and BD scores than those in the other two dieting categories, while those dieting to gain weight had significantly higher DMS scores than those dieting to lose weight or those not dieting at all. The third hypothesis was not supported: gender did not interact with the type of diet to affect self-perceptions of psychological well-being; the main effect for Dieting Category revealed that only dieting to lose weight was significantly associated with this construct.
The first two sets of results (i.e., those supporting hypotheses 1 and 2) extend the previous literature on dieting behavior by showing the importance of separating the notions of dieting to lose weight and dieting to gain weight. Dieting to lose weight was something that young women were doing more than young men, and it was associated with higher scores on two popular measures of the drive for thinness (i.e., EAT and BD). Given the small numbers of young men who were dieting to lose weight, combined with the fact that most previous research has only addressed dieting to lose weight and the drive for thinness, researchers would have typically stopped at this point, making the assumption that boys are not concerned with their bodies (e.g., Pine, 2001). However, by asking about dieting to gain weight, this study shows that many people are attempting to do so, that most of those dieting in this fashion are young men, and that dieting to gain weight is associated with a desire to be more muscular, not thinner. Thus, by not differentiating between the two types of dieting, researchers have drawn false conclusions about boys' and men's lack of body image concerns.
The association between a higher drive for muscularity and a greater likelihood of dieting to gain weight is intriguing and leads to an interesting empirical question: do these (mostly) young men who are dieting to gain weight just want to be bigger in size, or do they specifically want more muscle mass? Average BMI scores for those who were dieting to gain weight suggests that members of this group actually may need to gain a significant amount of weight; their mean BMI score falls just at the World Health Organization's (WHO) definition of underweight (i.e., a BMI less than 18.5; World Health Organization, 1998). However, since past research has shown that boys and men tend to think they are smaller and lighter than they actually are, it may be that a substantial portion of those dieting to gain weight are actually of normal weight or are overweight according to the WHO (e.g., McCreary, 2002). Thus, the number of young men who are legitimately dieting to gain weight, as well as the number who are misperceiving their need to be bigger, should be determined in future research. To do this, more accurate measures of body mass should be used (e.g., caliper measures of body fat; measured, as opposed to self-reported, BMI) in order to avoid the potential of adolescent growth-related biases in self-perceptions of height and weight (Gilmore, 1999).
However, some of those dieting to gain weight might be trying to become more muscular. McCabe, Ricciardelli, and Finemore (2002) have shown a strong, positive correlation between exercising to gain weight and eating to gain weight, for both boys and girls. Huenemann et al. (1966) and Moore (1990) also note that, when adolescent boys say they want to be bigger, they typically mean they want to be more muscular. Thus, if boys and men who are on diets to gain weight really want to become more muscular, then researchers need to ask these people why they are dieting to gain weight when they really should be engaged in a strength training program. Are they trying to take in enough calories to support a weight-training regime or do they think that, if they can increase their body mass through food, they can turn it to muscle later on? Recent research (McCreary, Holden, & Davis, 2002), as well as anecdotal evidence from personal trainers, suggests that many people believe in this notion of spot-training (i.e., turning fat into muscle by exercising specific areas of the body). For example, people who do lots of abdominal crunches in an attempt to get rid of stomach fat and develop prominent abdominal muscles are applying this belief. However, it is physiologically impossible to change fat into muscle. What this exercise does is develop stronger abdominal muscles, but these muscles will remain hidden until the person reduces the overall amount of fat on his or her body; this is typically done by increasing aerobic exercise and decreasing caloric intake.
This issue of boys and men dieting to gain weight when what they really want is to become more muscular is important because of the health-related implications for both boys and men. While increasing muscle mass has many health-promoting effects (e.g., increased basal metabolic rate, lower blood pressure), increasing body fat has severe health risks (e.g., heart disease, diabetes; see Courtenay, 2000). Thus, boys and men may need to become better educated about the nature of both fat and muscle, as well as the health risks associated with increases in body fat.
Our third hypothesis, that gender and dieting categories should interact when the dependent variables reflected psychological well-being, was not supported. It was our belief that the cultural stereotypes of thin women and muscular men would make dieting to lose weight more salient for young women and dieting to gain bulk more salient for young men. This gender-based saliency would then moderate the associations between dieting type and various indices of well-being (e.g., McCreary, Newcomb, & Sadava, 1999). However, only dieting to lose weight was consistently associated with poorer psychological health: those dieting to lose weight (both young men and women) reported more depressive symptoms than those in the other dieting categories; there was no significant effect for self-esteem. These findings are at odds with previous research by McCreary and his colleagues (McCreary et al., 2001; McCreary & Sasse, 2000) who showed that the drive for muscularity was associated with poorer self-esteem and more depressive symptoms for boys, but not for girls. The fact that dieting to gain weight is not directly associated with these measures of psychological well-being suggests that self-esteem and depression may be more closely related to the motives behind wanting to be bigger (i.e., the drive for muscularity), as opposed to the actual behaviors associated with those motives (i.e., dieting to gain weight). Alternatively, when it comes to these two aspects of psychological well-being, dieting behavior per se may not be a perfect proxy for the drive for thinness or the drive for muscularity.
There are limitations to the present study, most of which are inherent to all quasi-experimental studies such as this. The first limitation is that self-report methods were used to assess dieting behaviors, body image, and psychological well-being. When dealing with issues surrounding body image and eating behaviors, especially, respondents may under-report their more extreme self-perceptions or behaviors. Thus, there may be a self-report bias inherent in this type of data. Similarly, there may be a gender bias in the measure of thinness-oriented body dissatisfaction we used (i.e., the BD scale). The BD scale asks people about whether they think different parts of their body are bigger than they should be. Those body parts include the stomach, thighs, hips, and buttocks, which tend to reflect the concerns of girls and women, not necessarily boys and men (Phillips & Diaz, 1997). Thus, future research might want to employ either a less gender-specific measure of thinness-oriented body dissatisfaction or a measure of general body dissatisfaction, one that does not ask about wanting to be thinner or more muscular.
In summary, the present study demonstrated the importance of asking respondents about dieting to gain weight in addition to dieting to lose weight. Because boys and men are more likely to be dieting to gain weight, and since this type of diet is more closely associated with the drive for muscularity (as opposed to the drive for thinness), boys' and men's body image concerns can be studied more accurately.
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Means and Standard Deviations (in Parentheses) for Gender and Diet Type Main Effects
Gender Diet Type
Male Female Lose Weight Gain Weight Not Dieting
BMI 21.57(a) 19.62(a) 22.98(b) 18.62(b)
(3.50) (4.89) (3.74) (3.61)
EAT 5.50(a) 10.70(a) 12.76(b) 7.90(b)
(4.55) (9.63) (10.47) (5.77)
BD 4.70(a) 10.57(a) 14.18(b) 4.76(b)
(5.05) (7.90) (7.29) (4.13)
DMS 37.68(a) 27.76(a) 29.15(b) 45.73(b)
(12.26) (8.53) (8.54) (12.23)
CES-D 36.75 40.12 43.54(b) 37.00(b)
(9.92) (11.67) (11.54) (8.91)
Notes: Groups with the same superscripts differed significantly (p < .05). BMI = Body Mass Index; EAT = Eating Attitudes Test; BD = Body Dissatisfaction Scale; DMS = Drive for Muscularity Scale; CES-D = Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale.
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