Political Sociology: A Reader

By S. N. Eisenstadt | Go to book overview
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Miller, "One-Party Politics and the Voter," American Political Science Review, L (September 1956), 707-725.
See John E. Kersell, Parliamentary Supervision of Delegated Legislation (London: Stevens & Sons, 1960). Kersell does not make an explicit general comparison, but his judgments concerning the relative immunity of political heads of departments from criticism (p. 4), and the elaborateness of the supervisory machinery and the date of its development (chap. vii) are consistent with the ordering above.
Quoted in Henry J. Abraham, The Judicial Process (New York: Oxford University Press, 1962), p. 187.
Stein Rokkan and Angus Campbell, "Norway and the United States of America," International Social Science Journal, XII (1960), 69-99. I have computed an index of class voting from their data, given in Table 9; the figure for the United States is +14; for Norway, +47 (combining the Socialist and Communist parties) (p. 88). Norway's class voting level is thus close to Britain's. The political disinctiveness of the working class in Norway is much greater than that of the British working class, however.
R. Taft and K. Walker, "Australia," in Arnold M. Rose, ed., The Institutions of Advanced Societies (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1958), p. 159.
Since Quebec comprises one-third of Canada, its high level of political corruption may be considered evidence of the differential between Canada and the other English-speaking countries (if we may consider Canada as a nation—and therefore the attributes of its component parts as in some degree reflections of the whole). Trudeau considers Quebec corruption to reflect the lack of commitment by Quebecers to the institutions and morality of democracy. The manipulation of those institutions by the English in the early years of Canada produced such a reaction. See Pierre E. Trudeau, "Some Obstacles to Democracy in Quebec," in Mason Wade, ed., Canadian Dualism (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1960), pp. 244-247. Articles in The New York Times, November 19 and 22, 1959, following the death of Quebec Premier Maurice Duplessis, noted that observers did not expect a change in the spoils system characteristic of Quebec politics.
See M. Lipset, Political Man (New York: Doubleday, 1959), pp. 77-83.
See S. M. Miller and Herrington Bryce, "Social Mobility and Economic Growth and Structure," Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie (forthcoming). Britain was lower than the United States in percentage increase in national product (1900-1950), percentage increase in national product per capita (same years), and current product per man-hour (United States dollars); however, it was higher in percentage of national income paid to "employees."
Particular historical and political features of elections in each country obviously may have speeded up or slowed down conservative drifts. If Eisenhower had won on the Democratic ticket in 1952, clearly the Republican trend would have been invisible.
Arthur M. Ross and Paul T. Hartman, Changing Patterns of Industrial Conflict (New York: Wiley, 1960), pp. 72, 77.
Ross and Hartman agree that more and longer strikes should be associated with the absence of a labor party. Where no such party exists, collective bargaining is normally settled by a trial of economic strength. Ibid., p. 163.

Democracy and the Common Life

A. D. Lindsay

The argument for democratic as contrasted with expert leadership is that political wisdom needs more than anything else an understanding of the common life; and that that wisdom is given not by expert knowledge but by a practical experience of life. If the defect of the expert is his onesidedness, the merit of the practical man of common-sense judgement will be his all-round experience. The simple agricultural societies where democracy flourishes and seems native to the soil produce naturally men of common sense and sound judgement, appraisers alike of men and horses. The men whom we readily think of as men of sound judgement though unlearned have often had that kind of training. The

part played by the village cobbler or blacksmith in the democratic life of a village has often been noticed. The inhabitants of a natural democracy like the New England township described in Mr. Winston Churchill's Coniston are independent, accustomed to act on their own, and to make judgements within the scope of their experience.

Modern industrialism has taken away from the great mass of men in an industrialized community their independence. It has condemned very many of them to specialized and narrow lives. Their lives are far more specialized and far narrower than the lives of the experts whom our democratic argument has been putting in their place, and they are without the expert's skill or knowledge or his partial independence. Where under such conditions are the common-sense qualities and sound judgement of the ordinary man to be found? How can we keep a

From A. D. Lindsay, The Modern Democratic State (London : Oxford University Press, 1943), pp. 279-286. Reprinted by permission of the present Lord Lindsay of Birker, son of the author, the copyright holder.


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