Political Sociology: A Reader

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with these arguments. And in the case of Spain one cannot deny a certain legitimacy to the argument if one considers the behavior of a large part of the Socialist party in the opposition during the October days of 1934, or that of Companys, the head of the Generalitat of Catalonia during those days, or the activities of the Basque nationalists, or those of the extreme Right opposition to the Republic.... The distinction between opposition to the government, the regime and even the state, was certainly not clear to many Spaniards. (I am sure that Wallerstein would not agree with my application of his conclusions, but then I would suggest that those writing on authoritarian, single-party regimes, the role of the army as modernizer, etc., in underdeveloped areas, would specify further, how in the long run, such regimes will evolve differently from those in the semi‐ developed regions of the West.)
From the declarations of Franco to the correspondent of Le Figaro on June 12, 1958, ABC (Madrid) June 13, 1958. The text quoted was important enough to deserve the headlines of the newspaper. Similar statements could be found throughout the political statements of Caudillo.
These quotations are respectively from Camille Alliali, Secretary General of POIC (Ivory Coast) and Sekou Toure (Guinea), quoted by Szymon Chodak in a paper on "The Societal Functions of Party Systems in Sub-Saharan Africa."
These quotations are respectively from Camille Alliali, Secretary General of POIC (Ivory Coast) and Sekou Toure (Guinea), quoted by Szymon Chodak in a paper on "The Societal Functions of Party Systems in Sub-Saharan Africa."
Reinhard Bendix, "Social Stratification and the Political Community," European Journal of Sociology, I, No. 2 (1960), 3-32; "The Lower Classes and the Democratic Revolution," Industrial Relations, I, No. 1 (October 1961), 91-116; and R. Bendix and Stein Rokkan, "The Extension of National Citizenship to the Lower Classes: A Comparative Perspective," a paper submitted to the Fifth World Congress of Sociology, Washington, 1962. His study Work and Authority in Industry (New York: Wiley, 1956) is also relevant. See also the study by Guenther Roth, The Social Democrats in Imperial Germany. A Study of Working-Class Isolation and National Integration (Totowa, N.J.: Bedminster Press, 1963). These studies as well as the comparative research on labor movements, like those of Calenson, should be taken into account before such ideas of unity, rather than painful integration by conflict, are accepted.

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE. There is no sociological or even political science analysis of the institutions and operations of the Franco regime. Most of the literature on contemporary Spain deals with the historical background of the Civil War, the well-known books by: Gerald Brenan, Spanish Labyrinth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1943); Salvador de Madariaga, Spain. A Modern History (New York: Praeger Paperbacks, 1958); Hugh Thomas, The Spanish Civil War (New York: Harper, 1961); Franz Borkenau, The Spanish Cockpit; D. C. Cattell, Communism and the Spanish Civil War (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1955). None of these works is written with a pro-Franco point of view. For that the reader has to turn to Joaquin Arraras, Historia de la Cruzada Española (Madrid, 1940—3, 35 vols.) and his Historia de la Segunda Reptrblica Española (Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1956).

For a good general history of modern Spain until the Republic see: Vicens Vives, J. Nadal, R. Ortega, M. Hernandez Sanchez Barba, Vol. IV of the Historia Social de España y America (Barcelona: Editorial Teide, 1959).

A very important book whose analysis of the early stages of the Franco regime is better documented than most sources in English—that focus on the Republican side—is Carlos M. Rama, La Crisis Española del Siglo XX (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1960).

The literature on Spain after the civil war, both journalistic and scholarly, is largely focused on Spanish foreign policy, but does not add much to the understanding of domestic politics. While, as the title indicates, this is also the focus of Arthur P. Whitaker, Spain and the Defense of the West. Ally and Liability (New York: Praeger Paperbacks, 1962), it contains a lot of material on the basis of the regime, the opposition groups, from the semitolerated ones to the Communists, economic policies, etc. We mentioned already the important work of Stanley Payne, Falange, but by focusing on only one element in the system, it can only give an incomplete picture. Ebenstein's study of the Church is also useful. Richard Pattee, This Is Spain (Milwaukee: Bruce, 1951), is a presentation from a point of view friendly to Catholic political forces within the Regime, but has no scholarly pretensions. For the basic constitutional texts of the Regime until 1945 see Clark, op. cit., translations in English.

Toward a Theory of Spanish American

Richard M. Morse

The Viceregal Period and Its Antecedents

The purpose of this essay is neither fully to analyze the political experience of Spanish America

nor to construct a mature theory which will comprehensively illuminate it. The histories of these eighteen countries are, taken singly, too fragmentary and, taken jointly, too uncorrelated to permit of so systematic a project. In this as in most areas of New World studies the elements for conclusive synthesis are still unavailable. Therefore a heuristic device

From Richard M. Morse, "Toward a Theory of Spanish American Government," Journal of the History of Ideas, XV (1954), 71-82, 85-90. Reprinted by permission of the publisher and the author.


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