Political Sociology: A Reader

By S. N. Eisenstadt | Go to book overview
1953), 100-104, 240. There is some initial plausibility (and a great deal of convenience) in the working hypothesis that the Indonesian government's effective accountability is limited to the members of this public. I have employed this political public concept for the 1949-1957 period in Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia (see especially pp. 108‐ 113), but would add that the usefulness of the concept is more restricted when applied to the more authoritarian situation of the post-1958 period.
4.
This emphasis on the government's use of the Manipol‐ USDEK ideology should not obscure the fact that the various (legal) parties and groups also use it for their own purposes. Manipol-USDEK having become the language of all public political discourse, particular parties have seized on particular formulations of the ideology and made them their own. Thus repeated references to the Pantja Sila (Five Principles, including The One Deity) now characterize a group as being anti-Communist, whereas accusations of "pseudo-Manipolism" are typically made by Communists.
5.
See Harold D. Lasswell and Abraham Kaplan, Power and Society (New Haven 1950), 9ff., 244ff.
6.
For some startling admissions of this, see A Year of Triumph, Address by the President of the Republic of Indonesia on August 17, 1962 (Canberra, Embassy of the Republic of Indonesia, 1962), 39-41.
7.
Cf. Fred W. Riggs, The Ecology of Public Administration (Bombay 1961), 104ff. and passim; also Riggs, "Prismatic Society and Financial Administration," Administrative Science Quarterly, V (June 1960), 1-46.
8.
See Donald Hindley, "President Soekarno and the Communists: The Politics of Domestication," American Political Science Review, LVI (December 1962), 915-926.
9.
The economic vicious circles are analyzed in Paauw, "From Colonial to Guided Economy," and Humphrey, "Indonesia's National Plan." I have described some of the administrative ones in "Dynamics of Guided Democracy."
10.
On skill groups, see Harold D. Lasswell, Politics: Who Gets What, When, How (New York 1958), 97ff.
11.
A Year of Triumph, 35.
12.
On fixers, see Harold D. Lasswell and Renzo Sereno, "The Changing Italian Elite," in Harold D. Lasswell, ed., The Analysis of Political Behavior (London 1947), 158ff.

96
Burma: Ne Win's Revolution Considered

Josef Silverstein

As the military's fourth year in power draws to a close, General Ne Win's revolution is stalled on the road to socialism. What a few journalists 1 and occasonal travelers have said cautiously and in private, the General declared emphatically and in public— the economy is "in a mess." "If Burma were not a country with an abundance of food we would be starving." 2 Such candor, from the author of the 1962 coup and the person most responsible for the decisions which are moving Burma along its present path, is not new. Throughout the past year he found other occasions to express himself in equally forthright terms. Despite the fact that he and his co‐ leaders are without real challenge and have absolute power to make and carry out their decisions, the revolution has not produced dramatic results in any of the areas where it is at work. The events of the past year provide ample evidence of this and cause one to ask, where does the revolution go from here?

The objectives of the revolution neither were thought out fully when it began nor set down systematically since. 3 From what has been written and

undertaken, it appears as though the revolution has four major objectives: reform the economy from semi-private to socialist; eliminate foreign influences from all aspects of economic, political, and social life; change the values and attitudes of the people so that a new leadership can arise and take over the tasks of the revolution; unite the diverse peoples into a cohesive nation. It is against this frame of reference that the major events and decisions of the past year take on special meaning.

The first objective—the development of a socialist economy—in one sense is nearing realization; private industry and trade either have been eliminated or seriously limited in the legal market, or they have been driven underground into black-market operations. The process was accelerated in January when the Burma Corporation and Burma Unilever were taken over by the state, thus eliminating the last major joint ventures with private foreign firms. 4 In April, the government seized approximately 1,000 oil wells which were operated by Twinyos and Twinzas—hereditary Burmese operators with rights dating from the pre-British period. 5 Also, during the same month, 129 of the larger and more respected private schools were nationalized because "the state

____________________
From Josef Silverstein, "Burma: Ne Win's Revolution Considered," Asian Survey, VII, No. 2 (1966), 95-102. Reprinted by permission of the publisher and the author.

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