Notes

2

Ministers and their departments
1
This approach was recommended to Heath by his machinery of government study group in opposition, led by Lord Boyle. A comparison of Barbara Castle’s diaries for 1964-70 and 1974-76 suggests that there was some shift towards greater delegation to junior ministers between the two periods, although Wilson’s Governance of Britain (1976) is silent on the point. I am grateful to John Barnes for drawing my attention to this development.

4

The role of the Prime Minister
1
Most notably Jones’ 1969 study. The debate is summarised excellently in Brown’s 1968 article. Crossman had begun to modify his argument in his 1972 lectures.
2
There is actually no statutory limit on the number of ministerial appointments the Prime Minister may make. The Ministerial And Other Salaries Act 1975 limits to 110 the number of such appointees who may be paid from the public purse, but non-salaried ministers may be appointed beyond that limit—for example, Lord Simon of Highbury, a businessman who accepted unpaid junior office under Blair. Incidentally, the House of Commons Disqualification Act 1975 limits to 95 the number of paid office-holders in the Commons (the ‘payroll vote’).

5

The dynamics of collective decision-making
1
This is relatively unusual amongst Western European governments. Muller, Phillip and Gerlich (1993) observe that only in Norway and Ireland are Prime Ministers deeply involved in both foreign and economic affairs: although their survey did not cover it, the same is true of Spain. In France, foreign affairs is famously the domaine reserve of the President, leaving the Prime Minister to attend to economic matters. In Germany and Italy, heads of government are more involved in economic than in foreign matters. In a surprising number of countries the premier shows no deep involvement in either.

-255-

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