Corruption, Capitalism and Democracy

By John Girling | Go to book overview

NOTES

1
Harold Crouch, ‘Indonesia: an uncertain outlook’, Southeast Asian Affairs 1994 (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1994) p. 143.
2
Drawn from J. Girling ‘Democracy and development in Southeast Asia’, Pacific Review, 1 (4), 1988.
3
In World Tables 1992 (World Bank, 1992) average per capita incomes were Thailand, $1,400; Philippines, over $600; and Indonesia, over $500. In 1978, however, the average per capita income in the Philippines was $505 and that of Thailand $484 (Indonesia $340): Donald K. Crone, The ASEAN States: Coping with Dependence (New York: Praeger, 1983) Table 1.1, p. 3. The irony, as Ruth McVey notes, is that in the first postwar decades capitalism in the Philippines seemed to have the best chance of success in the region; but quite the opposite occurred. By the end of the 1980s Thailand, the paragon of the ‘bureaucratic polity’ (considered to stifle growth), had become the widely praised model of Southeast Asian transformation, while the Philippines was clearly the least successful of the non-socialist Southeast Asian states: ‘The materialization of the Southeast Asian capitalist’, in McVey (ed.) Southeast Asian Capitalists (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University, Southeast Asian Studies, 1992) p. 17.
4
Introduction to Carl Landé, Leaders, Factions, and Parties: The Structure of Philippine Politics (New Haven: Yale University Southeast Asian Studies, 1965).
5
Ibid. pp. 1, 40.
6
Ibid. pp. 1-2, 5, 9-10, 42. A more critical observer noted that the national elite was increasingly putting its relations with clients on a specified commercial footing, freeing the elite from the traditional patron’s obligations: Thomas Claus Nowak, ‘Class and clientelist systems in the Philippines: the basis for instability’ (Cornell doctoral dissertation: University Microfilms, 1974) p. 59.
7
Frank H. Golay, The Philippines: Public Policy and National Economic Development (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1961), pp. 5, 10, 17 (n. 4); on class power based on land ownership (p. 23) and ‘extensive poverty’ and ‘chronic desperation’ of the peasantry (p. 24); on rapid population growth (in a Catholic country) and low taxation of large estates (pp. 270-71, 292-93, 421).
8
See also Benedict J. Kerkvliet, The Huk Rebellion: A Study of Peasant Revolt in the Philippines (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977) pointing to the moderate demands of desperate peasants, which got nowhere. Rebellion was a last resort: pp. 252-55.
9
Golay, Philippines, pp. 408-9.
10
Ranis Report (Manila, 1974) and studies by Arturo Sorongon (landed estates), Thomas Nowak and Kay Snider (economic concentration): quoted by David Wurfel, Filipino Politics: Development and Decay (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1988) pp. 54-55, 62. In 1971, one year before the Marcos takeover, the average income of the top 20 per cent of the population was about fifteen times greater than the bottom 20 per cent. ‘The incidence of poverty is disturbingly high for a country experiencing thirty years of sustained economic growth’: Hal Hill and Sisira Jayasuriya, The Philippines: Growth, Debt and Crisis: Economic Performance during theMarcos Era (Canberra: Development Studies Centre, Australian National University, 1985) pp. 44-46. The top 5 per cent of important stockholding families in the pre-Marcos era controlled a mean of 60.7 per cent of corporate assets: Nowak, ‘Class and clientelist systems’, pp. 102, 104.

-73-

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Corruption, Capitalism and Democracy
Table of contents

Table of contents

  • Title Page iii
  • Contents v
  • Preface vii
  • Acknowledgements xv
  • 1 - Introduction 1
  • 2 - Functional Corruption 42
  • Notes 73
  • 3 - Dysfunctional Corruption and Destabilized Politics 86
  • 4 - Normative Strengths 119
  • Conclusion 150
  • Index 177
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