Party Elites in Divided Societies: Political Parties in Consociational Democracy

By Kurt Richard Luther; Kris Deschouwer | Go to book overview

Notes
1
I would like to thank Eva Anduiza, Stefano Bartolini, Matthijs Bogaards, the participants in the 1995 ECPR Bordeaux Joint Sessions, and especially the editors of this volume, Kris Deschouwer and Kurt Richard Luther, for useful comments and suggestions on earlier drafts. All remaining mistakes are, of course, mine alone.
2
See Lijphart (1984b:11-12) for a response to previous critiques in a similar direction to that made later by Van Mierlo, in which he explicitly recognises that verzuiling can be considered both an independent and a dependent variable and that ‘consociational democracy enhances the democratic stability of a plural society not by making it less plural, but by making it more plural’.
3
See also Scholten (1980), Van Schendelen (1984) and Kriesi (1990) for this top-down interpretation of the phenomenon of pillarization.
4
This is developed in the country chapters of this book. Also see Huyse (1985), Billiet (1984) and Deschouwer (1990 and 1994a) for Belgium; Houska (1985), Luther (1992 and 1997b), Luther and Müller (1992a) and Müller (1996c) for Austria; Andeweg and Irwin (1993), Daalder (1966 and 1996), Ellemers (1984), Houska (1985), Irwin and Van Holsteyn (1989a), Lijphart (1975) andWolinetz (1990) for the Netherlands.
5
This section is partly inspired by the analysis of the dimensions of cleavages developed by Bartolini and Mair (1990:212-20).
6
Bartolini and Mair (1990:27), in their analysis of the value of aggregate volatility as an indicator of individual voting shifts, warn about the need to consider trends in time. ‘The measurable levels of aggregate volatility and changes in these levels over time reflect corresponding levels and changes in individual volatility.’
7
The division of the post-war period into electoral phases has been done in the same way as Bartolini and Mair (1990) for the sake of comparability with countries that have not been included in the present analysis.
8
Their analysis, however, covers a much longer period which includes two other phases, the pre-1981 phase, in which the total volatility was 10.4 and that between 1918 and 1944, with a mean total volatility of 8.4 (Bartolini and Mair 1990:111).
9
Therefore, total volatility is equal to the sum of block volatility and within-block volatility (Bartolini and Mair 1990:23).
10
This phase of stability might be preceded by one of relative electoral mobility (both total volatility and pillar volatility), derived from the fact that the strategy of encapsulation does not have an immediate effect.
11
For a discussion of this process by reference to the Austrian case, see Luther (1992, 1997b and Chapter 3).
12
Bartolini and Mair do not cover the last electoral phase included in this chapter. In the period from 1918 to 1985 Austria stands as the country with the second-highest class salience average.
13
This cleavage line could be the linguistic one, which as has been mentioned in other sections of the chapter, emerged precisely during this period.
14
The cut-off point was set at a quarter of a standard deviation below (classified as ‘low’), and above (classified as ‘high’) the mean of total, or block volatility of each country for the whole 1945-96 period.

-223-

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