Olympic Dreams: The Impact of Mega-Events on Local Politics

By Matthew J. Burbank; Gregory D. Andranovich et al. | Go to book overview

Notes
1
Based on survey data from Dan Jones and Associates conducted for KSL Television and the Deseret News. In 1999, 34 percent of Salt Lake voters identified themselves as Democrats, 32 percent Republicans, and 32 percent independents. Within Salt Lake City, independent identifiers usually favor Democratic candidates, thus giving Democrats an edge in city elections.
2
Among the twenty-five members of the Utah Winter Games Feasibility Committee in 1985, eleven had ties to major ski resorts or the ski industry association, Ski Utah. Six other members represented various levels of government, including the U. S. Forest Service, the governor's and mayor's offices, and other local government officials. Except for the executive director of the Salt Lake Area Chamber of Commerce, the committee lacked strong representation from downtown businesses. Office space was provided by state government, but most of the financial support appears to have come from the ski industry.
3
This change was adopted by the USOC in June 1989, when Salt Lake City was chosen as the U. S. candidate for the 1998 and 2002 winter games. This new rule, known as the “eighteen-month rule, ” stipulated that a city chosen by the USOC must begin construction on specific venues within eighteen months of being selected. Since the IOC's decision for the 1998 games would not be made until June 1991, this rule required that Salt Lake City start construction at least six months before knowing the outcome of the IOC process.
4
The arguments for and against public funding were compiled from news reports, editorials, advertisements, and press releases. Jardine (1989) is a good example of the pro-funding argument. Examples of the arguments against public funding include Dick (1989) and Kelner (1989).
5
An interlocal agreement between the State of Utah, Salt Lake City, and the Salt Lake Olympic Bid Committee was signed in May 1991, before the IOC decision on the site for the 1998 winter games. One of the key points of the agreement was that the state would indemnify the city against financial loss or liability (Fowler 1999). It was not certain, however, whether the state's agreement to indemnify the city from loss incurred by a private organizing committee would be binding because the Utah Constitution prohibits the state from lending credit to any “private individual or corporate enterprise or undertaking. ” When the question of the constitutionality of the agreement reemerged during the bribery scandal, Governor Leavitt publicly stated that the state was “morally” obligated to protect the city from debt. A later deal between the venue cities and the state, however, limited the indemnification. When the venue cities asked the 2000 legislature for financial help with games-related costs, the legislature approved the money under the conditions that venue communities could not impose additional fees for Olympic services and that Salt Lake City waive any claims for reimbursement from the state for the costs of extra city services (Spangler 2000).

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Olympic Dreams: The Impact of Mega-Events on Local Politics
Table of contents

Table of contents

  • Explorations in Publicpolicy *
  • Title Page *
  • Contents vii
  • Illustrations ix
  • Acknowledgments xi
  • 1 - Olympic Dreams 1
  • 2 - Economic Growth and Local Politics 11
  • Notes *
  • 3 - Mega-Events and Economic Development 33
  • Notes *
  • 4 - Los Angeles and the 1984 Summer Games 53
  • Notes *
  • 5 - Atlanta and the 1996 Summer Games 81
  • 6 - Salt Lake City and the 2002 Winter Games 121
  • Notes 155
  • 7 - Reading the Olympic Games 157
  • Notes *
  • Acronyms 173
  • References 175
  • Index 195
  • About the Book 203
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