Incarcerated Adolescent Girls: Personality, Social Competence, and Delinquency
ter Laak, Jan, de Goede, Martijn, Aleva, Liesbeth, Brugman, Gerard, van Leuven, Miranda, Hussmann, Judith, Adolescence
There are several theories that try to explain juvenile delinquency. The present study confines itself to investigating personality traits and social competence as predictors of delinquency in adolescent girls.
Personality Traits as Predictors of Delinquency
Eysenck (1964, 1976) and Eysenck and Eysenck (1985) suggested that, compared to nondelinquents, delinquents are more extroverted, neurotic, and tough-minded (psychoticism). The last factor can be seen as a combination of low agreeableness and low conscientiousness, which, together with extroversion, neuroticism, and openness to experience (or autonomy), are known as the Big Five personality factors (Costa & McCrae, 1992; Hendriks, 1997). Furnham and Thompson's (1991) study on how personality correlates with crime indicated that there is a relationship between delinquency and psychoticism. They found a lack of consistency with respect to extroversion and neuroticism.
Heaven (1996), investigating the relationship between the Big Five and delinquency, found that neuroticism and conscientiousness were significantly associated with the level of delinquency in high school students, while extroversion and openness were not. John, Caspi, Robins, Moffit, and Stouthamer-Loeber (1994), examining delinquency in 12- to 13-year-old boys, found that a high level of delinquency was accompanied by low levels of agreeableness and conscientiousness. A high level of delinquency was also related to a high level of the sensation-seeking facet of extroversion, while neuroticism and delinquency were not related. Wit and Van Aken (1998) reported that incarcerated adolescent boys who were treated in a residential institution scored higher on conscientiousness and neuroticism, and lower on agreeableness, than did a nondelinquent control group.
Elements of Gottfredson and Hirschi's (1990) general theory of crime can be considered to support the position that personality traits are predictive of delinquency. For example, the results of a meta-analysis by Pratt and Cullen (2000) suggested that low self-control was a good predictor of crime. Low self-control included the following factors: lack of resistance to immediate gratification, impulsiveness, insensitiveness, physical risk taking, shortsightedness, and being unable to express problems. These low self-control factors were described as stable individual characteristics. They also partly resembled the description of a personality trait, and Pratt and Cullen's meta-analysis found that a trait-opportunity or trait-situation relationship was present. Inclusion of the situation or opportunity improved the power of the control variable to predict criminal behavior.
Social Competence in Delinquents
Psychologists often stress the fact that juvenile delinquents lack the social skills needed to solve interpersonal problems. For example, Gaffney and McFall (1981) found that delinquent adolescent girls resolved their social problems less adequately than did a comparable nondelinquent group. This and similar findings paved the way for the inclusion of social skills training as part of rehabilitation programs for juvenile delinquents (see Gendreau & Ross, 1987).
However, Eysenck (1976) indicated that some delinquents are more, not less, socially competent than the average person. He distinguished "criminals to their fingertips" from those "who simply cannot get by in our complex society" (p. 115). Specifically, successful delinquents need social, organizational, and computational skills to estimate the risks involved in criminal acts (i.e., to succeed, they must conduct a cost-benefit analysis of criminal activities). This hypothesis is in accord with rational choice theory, which suggests that criminals think rationally and strategically to accrue the benefits of their crime (e.g., money, goods, excitement, belonging to a group, respect of other criminals; see Cornish & Clarke, 1986). This hypothesis has been contested; lack of self-control and impulsiveness have been frequently observed in criminals and are often elements in the criminal act (see, for example, De Haan & Vos's study on mugging, 1993). Nevertheless, it is reasonable to assume that some decision-making processes are involved in adolescent criminality (Lavery, Siegel, Cousins, & Rubovits, 1993; Heimer & Matsueda, 1994).
Hirschi (1986) tried to do justice to both hypotheses, suggesting that rational choice was connected with criminal events and that control was connected with the person's criminal involvement. One has to estimate the possibility of success for a particular criminal act in a specific situation, but the ease with which one is involved in such behavior is influenced by one's self-control.
In this study, two components of social competence were distinguished: intensity and frequency. By intensity we mean the level of tension people experience in certain social situations, namely where the performance of a special type of interpersonal behavior is required, in particular self-assertion (i.e., negative assertion, expression of personal limitations, initiating assertiveness, and positive assertion-these behaviors are described in more detail in the Methods section). By frequency we mean the extent to which, or the probability that, incarcerated adolescent girls get involved in such situations.
Research Questions and Hypotheses
We formulated two research questions: (a) Is there a relationship between delinquency and personality in incarcerated adolescent girls? (b) Is there a relationship between delinquency and social competence in incarcerated adolescent girls? A study of the empirical literature and our interpretation of Gottfredson and Hirschi's control theory led to the following hypotheses on the relationships between the aforementioned five personality factors (De Raad, 2001) and delinquency.
Agreeableness refers to, on the positive side, characteristics such as mild mannered, good-hearted, peaceful, tolerant, accommodating, cordial, and avoiding conflict, and, on the negative side, to bossy, autocratic, domineering, callous, demanding, egocentric, arrogant, and hotheaded. People with a high level of agreeableness are sympathetic to the needs and interests of others, while those with a low level are insensitive to others' needs and interests. This leads to the first hypothesis, H1.1: Agreeableness correlates negatively with delinquency.
Conscientiousness is linked to such characteristics as accurate, careful, diligent, prompt, painstaking, industrious, precise, and orderly on the positive side, and irresponsible, indolent, nonchalant, frivolous, lax, lazy, reckless, scatterbrained, and immoral on the negative side. A low level of conscientiousness indicates a lack of internalized social rules. People with a low level of conscientiousness do not stick to plans they have made with others, and do not perform tasks they promised to do. Their behavior can be characterized as opportunistic; they do what seems to be in their best interest from moment to moment and from situation to situation. This leads to H1.2: Conscientiousness correlates negatively with delinquency.
Extroversion is one pole of the bipolar extroversion-introversion dimension. Extroverts are spontaneous, exuberant, cheerful, vivacious, enthusiastic, candid, and uninhibited, while introverts are uncommunicative, reserved, somber, shy, and timid. Extroverts are inclined to take the lead in social situations. A characteristic of some extroverted people is the feeling that there is not enough going on in their own lives, and they therefore engage in sensation-seeking behavior. They like tension, and this can lead to rule-breaking behavior, such as delinquent activities. This leads to H1.3: Extroversion, in particular the aspect of sensation-seeking behavior, correlates positively with delinquency.
Neuroticism encompasses characteristics such as panicky, uncertain, unstable, nervous, vulnerable, emotionally sensitive, and dependent. The opposite feature--emotional stability--includes such terms as assured, steady, stable, imperturbable, decisive, down-to-earth, resolute, and calm. With respect to delinquency, a neurotic person will not often take the initiative but be more of a follower. Eysenck (1964) expected delinquents to be more neurotic compared with nondelinquents. Furnham and Thompson (1991) reported inconsistent results on neuroticism, but Heaven's (1996) and Wit and Van Aken's results (1998) supported Eysenck's hypothesis. These inconsistent findings regarding delinquency and neuroticism indicated that we should explore the relationship further rather than formulate a hypothesis, leading to E1.4: Is there a relationship between delinquency and neuroticism?
Openness (or autonomy; Hendriks, 1997) refers to characteristics such as critical, versatile, unconventional, inventive, acute, deep, progressive, and autonomous on the positive side, and uncritical, docile, bourgeois, conservative, and servile on the negative side. Heaven (1996) found no relationship between delinquency and openness. Other studies did not include this personality feature. Therefore, we sought to explore the relationship, leading to E1.5: Is there a relationship between delinquency and openness?
Psychologists working with the incarcerated adolescent girls in this study considered the lack of social competence--particularly social anxiety in situations where self-assertion is relevant--as an important characteristic. Based on their experience in the field, they assumed that a high level of delinquency would be accompanied by a low level of social competence (see also Gaffney & McFall, 1981; Gendreau & Ross, 1987). This view is in line with the social deficit hypothesis, leading to our second group of hypotheses, H2: There is a negative relationship between delinquency and social competence.
Taking into account the two components of social competence (intensity and frequency) and the four types of self-assertion (negative assertion, expression of personal limitations, initiating assertiveness, and positive assertion), the second hypothesis can be expanded into the following subhypotheses: The more delinquent adolescent girls are, the more tension or social discomfort they experience in social situations, which are indicated successively by negative assertion (H2.1); expression of, and dealing with, personal limitations (H2.2); initiating assertiveness (H2.3); and positive assertion (H2.4). In the same way, we can state: The more delinquent adolescent girls are, the less frequently they get involved in social situations, which are indicated successively by negative assertion (H2.5); expression of, and dealing with, personal limitations (H2.6); initiating assertiveness (H2.7); and positive assertion (H2.8).
For any of these subhypotheses we can formulate an alternative subhypothesis from the viewpoint of delinquency as intentional, socially competent behavior. Thus, a higher level of delinquency would be accompanied by a higher level of social competence, leading to H3: There is a positive relationship between delinquency and social competence.
Similar to the second hypothesis, we formulated subhypotheses, but now in reverse: The more delinquent the girls' behavior, the less tension or social discomfort they experience in difficult social situations, as successively indicated above (H3.1-4). The same applies to frequency: The more delinquent the girls, the more frequently they become involved in these types of difficult social situations, as indicated above (H3.5-8).
The participants for this study were 33 girls incarcerated in one correctional institution in the Netherlands. Their ages ranged from 12 to 18 years (M = 15.5 years, SD = 1.3 years). Incarceration in this institution depended on the availability of spaces for girls, and the distance between the institution and their home. Clearly, it was not a random sample from the population of incarcerated adolescent girls, but neither was it a self-selected sample. All the participants spoke Dutch, although one-third of the girls had parents who were born abroad, mostly in Morocco. They were incarcerated for a period of 5 to 62 weeks (M = 18.6 weeks, SD = 10.6 weeks).
Delinquency. We used the Self-Reported Delinquency Scale (Mak, 1993) to measure delinquency. This scale comprises 34 items about cheating, status offenses, fighting, drugs, robbery, vandalism, disturbing the peace, joyriding, and stealing cars, motorbikes, and bicycles. The scale has been found to correlate significantly with policere-gistered crimes (r = .49 for boys and r = .46 for girls), and Cronbach's alpha was .88. We did not include use of alcohol and soft drugs or watching pornographic movies because these behaviors are not dealt with by Dutch legislation and consequently not considered delinquent behavior. Moreover, it was considered highly unlikely that these girls would force someone to have sexual intercourse, so this item was not used. Psychologists working in the institution where we conducted this research asked us to include some frequently committed crimes in our study (e.g., carrying a gun, harassing a stranger). The final scale consisted of 29 yes/no items, referring to eight types of crime: causing damage (e.g., breaking windows, defacing street signs, kicking holes in school walls); doing harm (making obscene phone calls, threatening others); fighting (e.g., beating up someone); theft (e.g., shoplifting); status offenses (e.g., running away from home); cheating (e.g., sneaking into a movie theater or onto a bus without paying); joyriding (e.g., taking a car or motorbike without the owner's consent); and using drugs (e.g., cocaine, heroin). Cronbach's alpha for these items was .76.
Personality. We used the Five-Factor Personality Inventory (FFPI; Hendriks, 1997) to measure personality. High Cronbach's alphas for the five factors have been reported (.83 to .89), and test-retest correlations over a six-month period were good (.79 to .83). The FFPI showed convergent validity with the NEO-PI (Costa & McCrae, 1992)--the most frequently used questionnaire to assess the Big Five personality factors--on four of the five factors (agreeableness, extroversion, conscientiousness, and openness/autonomy).
Social competence. We used the Scale for Interpersonal Behavior (SIB) to determine social competence (see Arrindell, Greet, & Walburg, 1984; Arrindell, Sanderman, & Rancher, 1990; Bijstra, Bosma, Jackson, & van der Molen, 1993; Bijstra, Bosma, & Jackson, 1994; Arrindell, Ende, Sanderman, Oosterhof, Stewart, & Lingsma, 1999). Arrindell et al. (1999) reported excellent reliability and factorial invariance for the SIB. This scale comprises four subscales: (1) negative assertion, which refers to situations where it is necessary to show negative feelings (e.g., confronting a friend who refuses your request or asking someone to stop doing something that annoys you); (2) expression of, and dealing with, personal limitations (e.g., admitting that you are wrong or asking someone to explain something you do not understand); (3) initiating assertiveness, which refers to situations where it is necessary to give your opinion or take the initiative (e.g., starting a conversation with a stranger or telling a group of people about something you have experienced); and (4) positive assertion, which refers to situations where showing positive feelings is necessary (e.g., telling someone you like him/her or acknowledging a compliment about your personal appearance) (see Arrindell et al., 1999, p. 421).
The participants were asked to report the degree to which they experienced tension in the above situations on a scale ranging from 1 (no tension) to 4 (a lot of tension). As previously noted, the extent of social competence in situations where certain behaviors are indicated is usually distinguished from its frequency. Thus, the participants were asked to report how often (or how likely it is) they would behave in an inadequate or unsuitable manner in the above situations on a 4-point scale (never, seldom, often, always).
Social desirability. In order to check for social desirability bias, four yes/no items were included: Did you lie last year? Did you arrive at school too late last year? Did you do anything against your parents' will last year? Did you ever break a promise last year?
The 33 girls completed the questionnaires anonymously in groups of four to eight. A researcher was present to answer any questions they had and to clarify items when needed. For reasons of privacy, the institution did not allow us to collect any other information (i.e., criminal records, family circumstances, or other socio-demographic data).
An overall score for delinquency was computed by counting the yes responses. The scores on the 29-item questionnaire ranged from 3 to 24 (M = 16.30, SD = 5.73). The mean of the scores on the social desirability items was low (M = .18, SD = .58), suggesting that the girls generally answered the delinquency questions honestly. We conducted principal components analysis (varimax rotation) on the eight types of delinquency, which resulted in three factors with eigenvalues greater than 1. These factors explained 73% of the variance, and were labeled aggression (causing damage, doing harm, fighting, and theft), backing out of obligations (status offenses and cheating), and excitement/sensation-seeking (joyriding and using drugs).
The hypotheses required the computation of correlation coefficients. The variables did not appear to be normally distributed according to the Shapiro-Wilks test, so Spearman's rank correlations were computed.
Personality Traits as Predictors of Delinquency
We hypothesized a negative correlation between delinquency and agreeableness (H1.1). The correlation coefficient was negative but nearly zero (r = -.03, ns), therefore we must reject this hypothesis. There is no relationship between delinquency and agreeableness.
We hypothesized a negative correlation between delinquency and conscientiousness (H1.2). Girls with a higher level of conscientiousness reported significantly fewer crimes (r = -.44, p = .00). Thus, this hypothesis should be accepted.
Extroversion was positively correlated with delinquency (in line with H1.3), but not significantly (r = .12, ns). Therefore we should reject this hypothesis.
The relationships between delinquency and neuroticism (E1.4) and openness (E1.5) were explored. The correlation between neuroticism and delinquency approached statistical significance (r = .31, p = .08). The correlation between delinquency and openness (autonomy) was significant (r = .37, p = .04), which indicates that girls with a higher level of openness/autonomy reported more crimes.
More specifically, there were significant correlations between four of the five personality traits and four of the eight types of delinquent behavior. Conscientiousness was negatively correlated with causing damage (r = -.37, p < .05), fighting (r = -.42, p < .01), and cheating (r = -.36, p < .05). Extroversion was positively correlated with status offenses (r = .38, p < .05). Neuroticism was positively correlated with causing damage (r = .35, p < .05). Openness was positively correlated with fighting (r = .50, p < .01) and cheating (r = .40, p < .01).
Social Competence and Delinquency
We formulated two hypotheses on the relationship between delinquency and social competence that predicted opposite outcomes. One stated that there will be a negative relationship between delinquency and social competence (H2), while the other stated that there will be a positive relationship (H3).
Contrary to the prediction in H2.1, but in line with H3.1, delinquency correlated negatively with negative assertion, that is, the level of tension in expressing situation-appropriate negative feelings (r = -.33, p < .05). This result supported the view that delinquent acts need a certain level of social competence. Expression of, and dealing with, personal limitations (H2.2 and H3.2), initiating assertiveness (H2.3 and H3.3), and positive assertion (H2.4 and H3.4) correlated positively with delinquency (r = .25, .22, and .29, respectively). These correlation coefficients were in the direction predicted by the view that delinquents lack some social competencies, but were not statistically significant.
Hypotheses 2.5-2.8 and 3.5-3.8 deal with the relationship between delinquency and the frequency of showing relevant behaviors in difficult social situations. Three of the four correlations were statistically significant: negative assertion (r = .36, p < .05), initiating assertiveness (r = .37, p < .05), and positive assertion (r = .37, p < .05). The correlation for personal limitations (r = .22) was not significant. These four correlation coefficients were in the direction (i.e., positive) predicted by the view that assumes the presence of social competence in delinquents.
Personality Traits as Predictors of Delinquency
Agreeableness was not correlated with the overall score for delinquency or with any specific type of crime. Heaven (1996), however, reported a negative correlation in a group of psychology students. Wit and Van Aken (1998) reported a lower score on agreeableness for delinquent boys receiving treatment in a residential institution than for boys in a control group. However, there is an important difference between these two studies and the present one: their participants were delinquent and nondelinquent boys rather than incarcerated delinquent girls. It is possibly more socially acceptable for boys to be bad and consequently they may report delinquent acts and less agreeableness more easily. The residential boys were being treated in a rather confrontational program, which showed them the consequences of their actions, in particular how their behavior and personality were evaluated by others. It is possible that this affected their answers on the agreeableness dimension.
Conscientiousness correlated negatively with delinquency, in particular with fighting, but also with causing damage and cheating. Conscientiousness refers to maintaining societal rules and standards, and to planning and achieving in a way that is acceptable to, or appreciated by, society. Barrick and Mount (1991) found this factor to have the strongest correlation with company job performance compared with the other four personality factors. Conscientiousness seems to play a central role in accepting rules--in the family, at school, in the work environment, and in society.
A low, nonsignificant correlation between extroversion and delinquency in general was found. In terms of specific types of crime, only status offenses correlated significantly with extroversion. The sensation-seeking facet of extroversion has been found to be correlated with delinquency in several studies (see Furnham & Thompson, 1991). The status offenses of school truancy and running away from home might also reflect this sensation-seeking aspect of extroversion.
Neuroticism correlated positively (but not quite attaining statistical significance) with the general measure of delinquency. Regarding specific types of crime, neuroticism was significantly correlated with causing damage.
Openness (or autonomy) correlated with general delinquency, in particular with two types of delinquency: cheating and fighting. For these behaviors, some sophistication, initiative, and autonomy, as well as rational choice and decisiveness, are probably needed. Another interpretation of these results is that the more autonomous participants were more willing to report their crimes. However, all the participants talked easily and without reservation about their crimes--they had already been sentenced--and also about crimes committed against them.
In line with the literature, the more crimes the adolescent girls reported, the less conscientious, the more neurotic, and the more open (or autonomous) they were. These personality characteristics have predictive power for delinquency, and resemble to a certain extent the self-control variable that was evident in Pratt and Cullen's (2000) meta-analysis. In addition, the personality factors were related to the more severe types of delinquent behavior (i.e., those falling into the categories of aggression and backing out of obligations). The relatively less serious forms of delinquent behavior, such as theft, doing harm, joyriding, drug use and, to a certain extent, status offenses, did not appear to be related to the personality factors.
We also interpreted the results from two different viewpoints. First, we considered the 33 incarcerated girls as a population; second, we dealt with these girls as a sample drawn from the population of incarcerated adolescent girls in the Netherlands (see Table 1). From the population viewpoint, the degree and direction of the correlations are important, and less so the level of significance. From the sample viewpoint, the significance levels of the correlations are also important. However, in this study we are not dealing with a random sample. We could characterize the selection of our subjects as a way of exampling, but strictly speaking we cannot generalize the results of this study to the population of incarcerated girls in the Netherlands or elsewhere. On the other hand, we find it difficult to imagine that other incarcerated girls--all things being equal--would show completely different behavior. We will thus consider successively the direction of the correlation coefficient, the probability or significance level, and accepting or rejecting the hypothesis.
From the sample viewpoint, we conclude that the greater the criminality of the incarcerated adolescent girls, the lower their conscientiousness and the greater their neuroticism and openness (autonomy). From the population viewpoint, four personality traits out of five correlate more or less with delinquency. Only agreeableness is not related to delinquency, at least not in our group of incarcerated girls.
Delinquency and Social Competence
Table 2 presents an overview of the results regarding social competence and delinquency. From the sample perspective, we can draw the conclusion that a higher level of delinquency is accompanied by higher social competence in situations where negative self-assertion is required. In addition, a higher level of delinquency is accompanied by a higher frequency of getting involved in three of the four types of social situations that cause social discomfort (i.e., negative assertion, initiating assertiveness, and positive assertion, but not expression of, and dealing with, personal limitations). From the population perspective, none of the subhypotheses can be rejected.
Despite the small number of participants and the specific character of the sample, the results suggest that individual differences in personality, especially in conscientiousness, neuroticism, and openness (autonomy), correlate with self-reported delinquency in incarcerated girls. The results partly support and refine earlier findings and add openness (autonomy) as a relevant characteristic to the prediction of delinquency in adolescent incarcerated girls.
The results mainly support the assumption that delinquent girls experience more situation-inappropriate or situation-inadequate feelings of tension in the specific social situations described in the Scale for Interpersonal Behavior. This tends to confirm lack of social competence (i.e., social deficit theory) as a factor explaining delinquency in young girls. However, more criminal acts (i.e., greater frequency) appeared to be accompanied by less social discomfort in situations where assertive behavior, in particular negative assertion, was appropriate. Thus, our results partly support the view that criminal behavior can be the outcome of rational decision-making.
In sum, our results suggest that some personality factors, as well as social competence, can be predictive of delinquency. The results also have implications for prevention programs. Social competence can be changed. Much more attention should be paid to encouraging children and adolescents to learn balanced social skills, with the ultimate goal of having fewer young people incarcerated.
Table 1 Overview of the Results of Testing the Predictions Deduced from Hypothesis 1 Accept Accept Hypothesis Hypothesis Delinquency with Predicted from Population from Sample Personality Traits Direction Perspective Perspective H1.1: Agreeableness yes no no H1.2: Conscientiousness * yes yes yes H1.3: Extroversion yes yes no E1.4: Neuroticism NA -- -- E1.5: Openness * NA -- -- Note. NA = not applicable. * p < .05 Table 2 Overview of the Results of Testing the Subhypotheses Deduced from Hypotheses 2 and 3 Right Right Direction: Direction: Social Rational Delinquency with Deficit Choice Social Competence Theory Theory Intensity Negative assertion * H2.1 no H3.1 yes Personal limitations H2.2 yes H3.2 no Initiating assertiveness H2.3 yes H3.3 no Positive assertion H2.4 yes H3.4 no Frequency Negative assertion * H2.5 no H3.5 yes Personal limitations H2.6 no H3.6 yes Initiating assertiveness * H2.7 no H3.7 yes Positive assertion * H2.8 no H3.8 yes Accept Accept Hypothesis Hypothesis Delinquency with from Population from Sample Social Competence Perspective Perspective Intensity Negative assertion * yes yes Personal limitations yes no Initiating assertiveness yes no Positive assertion yes no Frequency Negative assertion * yes yes Personal limitations yes no Initiating assertiveness * yes yes Positive assertion * yes yes * p < .05
Arrindell, W. A., Ende, J., Sanderman, R., Oosterhof, L., Stewart, R., & Lingsma, M. M. (1999). Normative studies with the Scale for Interpersonal Behavior (SIB): I. Non-psychiatric social skills trainees. Personality and Individual Differences, 27, 417-431.
Arrindell, W. A., Groot, P. M., & Walburg, J. A. (1984). Handleiding Schaal voor Interpersoonlijk Gedrag, SIG [Guide to Scale for Interpersonal Behavior: SIB]. Lisse: Swets & Zeitlinger.
Arrindell, W. A., Sanderman, A., & Ranchor, A. (1990). The Scale for Interpersonal Behavior and the Wolpe-Lazarus Assertiveness Scale: A correlational comparison in a non-clinical sample. Personality and Individual Differences, 11, 509-513.
Barrick, M. R., & Mount, M. K. (1991). The Big Five personality dimensions and job performance. Personnel Psychology, 44, 1-25.
Bijstra, J., Bosma, H., & Jackson, S. (1994). The relationship between social skills and psycho-social functioning in early adolescence. Personality and Individual Differences, 16, 767-776.
Bijstra, J., Bosma, H., Jackson, S., & van der Molen, H. (1993). Zelfwaardering en sociale vaardigheid bij adolescenten [Self-esteem and social skills in adolescents]. Kind en Adolescent, 14, 161-172.
Clarke, R. V. (1995). Situational crime prevention. In M. Tonry & D. P. Farrington (Eds.), Building a safer society: Strategic approaches to crime prevention (pp. 91-151). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Clarke, R. V., & Felson, M. (1993). Routine, activity and rational choice: Advances in criminal theory (Vol. 5). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Cornish, D. B., & Clarke, R. V. (Eds.). (1986). The reasoning criminal. New York: Springer Verlag.
Costa, P. T., & McCrae, R. R. (1992). The NEO-PI: Professional manual. Odessa, FL: Psychological Assessment Resources.
De Haan, W., & Vos, J. (1993). De huilende rover en de schaaamteloosheid van de rationele keuzebenadering [The crying robber and the shamelessness of the rational choice approach to criminal behavior]. Tijdschrift voor Criminologie, 4, 351-377.
De Raad, B. (2001). The Big Five personality factors: History, theory, procedures, models, and applications in the psycholexical approach to personality. Gottingen: Hogrefe.
Eysenck, H. J. (1964). Crime and personality. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
Eysenck, H. J. (1976). The biology of morality. In T. Lickona (Ed.), Moral development and behavior: Theory, research and social issues (pp. 108-123). New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
Eysenck, H. J., & Eysenck, M. (1985). Personality and individual differences: A natural science approach. New York: Plenum Press.
Furnham, A., & Thompson (1991). Personality and self-reported delinquency. Personality and Individual Differences, 12, 585-593.
Gaffney, L. R., & McFall, R. M. (1981). Social skills in adolescent girls. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 49, 959-967.
Gendreau, P., & Ross, R. R. (1987). Revivification of rehabilitation: Evidence from the eighties. Justice Quarterly, 4, 463-489.
Gottfredson, M. R., & Hirschi, T. (1990). A general theory of crime. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Heaven, P. L. C. (1996). Personality and self-reported delinquency: Analysis of the Big Five personality dimensions. Personality and Individual Differences, 20, 47-54.
Heimer, K., & Matseuda, R. L. (1994). Role-taking, role commitment, and delinquency: A theory of differential social control. American Sociological Review, 59, 365-390.
Hendriks, A. A. J. (1997). The construction of the Five-Factor Personality Inventory. Doctoral thesis, University of Groningen, the Netherlands.
Hirschi, T. (1986). On the compatibility of rational choice and social control theories. In D. B. Cornish & R. V. Clarke (Eds.), The reasoning criminal (pp. 105-119). New York: Springer Verlag.
John, O. P., Caspi, A., Robins, R., Moffit, T. E., & Stouthamer-Loeber, M. (1994). The "little five": Exploring the five factor model of personality in adolescent boys. Child Development, 65, 160-178.
Lavery, B., Siegel, A. W., Cousins, J. H., & Rubovits, D. S. (1993). Adolescent risk-taking: An analysis of problem behaviors in problem children. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 55, 277-294.
Mak, A. S. (1993). A self-report delinquency scale for Australian adolescents. Australian Journal of Psychology, 45, 75-79.
Pratt, T. C., & Cullen, F. T. (2000). The empirical status of Gottfredson and Hirschi's general theory of crime: A meta-analysis. Criminology, 38(3), 931-964.
Wit, B. V. C., de, & Van Aken, M. A. G. (1998). Probleemgedrag, persoonlijkheid en relationele ondersteuning van jongens in een RIJ [Behavioral problems, personality and relational support of incarcerated boys]. Kind en Adolescent, 19, 310-328.
Reprint requests to Martijn de Goede, Department of Methodology and Statistics, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Utrecht, P.O. Box 80.140, 3508 TC Utrecht, The Netherlands. E-mail: email@example.com…
Questia, a part of Gale, Cengage Learning. www.questia.com
Publication information: Article title: Incarcerated Adolescent Girls: Personality, Social Competence, and Delinquency. Contributors: ter Laak, Jan - Author, de Goede, Martijn - Author, Aleva, Liesbeth - Author, Brugman, Gerard - Author, van Leuven, Miranda - Author, Hussmann, Judith - Author. Journal title: Adolescence. Volume: 38. Issue: 150 Publication date: Summer 2003. Page number: 251+. © 1999 Libra Publishers, Inc. COPYRIGHT 2003 Gale Group.
This material is protected by copyright and, with the exception of fair use, may not be further copied, distributed or transmitted in any form or by any means.