Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X: Economic Insights and Influences
Cushman-Wood, Darren, Monthly Review
When Harris Wofford ran for Senate from the state of Pennsylvania, he invoked the dream of Martin Luther King, Jr. The dream, as the Wofford campaign remembered it, was not primarily of a desegregated society but of economic justice in our current health-care crisis.
After the Los Angeles riots Ted Koppel interviewed members of street gangs on ABC's "Night Line." Many of the youth sported baseball caps with a large X on the front while they described the economic conditions of East Central Los Angeles.
Thus do the spirits of Malcolm and Martin still move among us in these times of crisis. The continuing presence of these two figures in the crises of today raise many questions, among which are the questions that will concern us here: How did Malcolm and Martin judge our economic system and what was their hope for our future? What persons, writings, and events shaped their economic thoughts?
Exploring the views of Martin and Malcolm on economics and ethics requires a special perspective. Not only did they not write about the economy in a systematic way, but neither one devoted an entire speech to the subject. Their thoughts on the economy were always embedded in discussions of other topics, such as Vietnam or the United Nations. Because they were speaking to and for the African-American community, topics beyond the scope of normal political economy must be considered. Issues of personal morality and police corruption are areas of economic concern in black communities, given the necessity of "illegal" businesses for the survival of many African American people.(1)
Martin Luther King, Jr.'s early life is central to understanding his economic thoughts as an adult. He was born into the relative security of the black middle class in Atlanta, Georgia, surrounded by the ideas and examples of the black bourgeoisie of his father and Auburn Avenue. When he returned to the South after his doctoral studies at Boston University, it was to a black middle-class congregation, Dexter Avenue Baptist Church. Martin's differences with his father, however, began with his calling to the ministry in high school. He felt a strong desire to serve humanity, in particular the disinherited he had first seen standing in bread lines during the Great Depression. More than anything he read in college or seminary, it was the black church tradition which shaped his predisposition toward the poor.
While on summer breaks from Morehouse College, from which he graduated at the age of nineteen, he chose to work as a manual laborer. "Daddy" King wanted him to work for black businesses, but Martin refused, feeling called instead to learn about the plight of the African American worker. These summer experiences showed him how blacks were humiliated by white co-workers and foremen and exploited by their bosses.(2)
Such experiences set the stage for his interest in Rauschenbusch, the Social Gospel theologian of the early twentieth century at Crozier Theological Seminary in Pennsylvania. King read Tawney's Religion and the Rise of Capitalism, and spent one Christmas break pondering Marx's Capital His first rejection of capitalism was in the seminary. During this period he told a women's church group, "Most of us are not capitalists, we're just potential capitalists." The Reverend J. Pious Barbour knew that he had read Marx and considered Marx's analysis on target. Later in Boston he often complained to Coretta about his father's materialism.(3) One can see in his academic pursuits at Crozier his search to articulate his calling to serve humanity. Once he began working against legal segregation in the South, economic issues took a back seat until 1966.
Unlike Martin King, Malcolm Little was born into a poor family. His father, a black Baptist minister, never served a prestigious church or even had a permanent parish. His family was economically devastated by his death. Malcolm recalled that they had been "so hungry we were dizzy" and often ate boiled dandelions.( )The welfare workers drove his mother insane and split up the children after she was committed to a mental institution. These experiences were the seed bed of his distrust in America.
When Malcolm moved to Roxbury, and then to Harlem, he learned how black self-hatred perpetuated economic exploitation. The quest for such status symbols as Florsheims and Cadillacs takes money out of the African-American community.(5) The ghetto was created by the white man for a cheap supply of labor and soldiers. This survival environment generated values which made a burglar a local hero.(6) In order for many to survive they depended on the immorality of white men. His former dependence on drug trafficking and pimping shaped his understanding of the necessity of the strict morality of the Nation of Islam.
For the first time he became aware of the class conflict between poor and middle class blacks. This awareness shaped his views of civil rights leaders, whom he saw as middle class. He also saw that the overcrowded housing of the poor causes stress and domestic violence; escape through drugs siphons off income from the African American community; a "vicious cycle" of poverty is created from which some middle class African Americans rise but do not return to help others.(7)
While in the Nation of Islam he embraced separatism and the "shopkeeper capitalism" of Elijah Muhammad.(8) For all of the Nation's anti-American sentiments, their hope for black entrepreneurship was an American dream. It echoed the Jeffersonian ideal of a nation of independent shopkeepers and farmers. The Black Muslim solution was a return to Africa or a separate homeland in North America. The government would give blacks land and economic aid for twenty to twenty-five years in order for blacks to develop their own agricultural base. The goal of returning to Africa was an echo of the Garveyism he had heard from his father. The goal of land also had roots in Booker T. Washington's separatism, which also influenced King. The Nation's dream was not revolutionary, in the sense that it did not advocate an overthrow of capitalism. It was apocalyptic, in that it called for a retreat from a corrupt world which would soon be judged by God.
For Malcolm, African Americans deserved the land as reparation for the generations of unpaid labor. He recognized the necessity of slave labor for the development of white America. African Americans "have sweated blood to help [the white man] build a country so rich that he can today afford to give away millions-even to his enemies."(9)
Until the goal of returning to Africa or a homeland in North America could be realized, Malcolm advocated economic self- determination through black owned businesses like the shops owned by Black Muslims. Malcolm often emphasized that blacks have an economic reserve of $20 billion which they earn each year, but during this period he failed to see how this resource was used for survival.(10)
Malcolm also preached a Muslim work ethic which was a part of the Muslim definition of gender roles. To be a good husband and father a man should stop squandering his income on immoral pursuits and provide for his family. Malcolm was using capitalist values to prepare African Americans for separation.
His economic thoughts came out of his desire to develop self-esteem in the black community. Black Muslim businesses showed "what black people could do for themselves."(11) By keeping money in the black community an economic base could be created which would help ensure the development of black self-esteem. Self-esteem required separation from white America, and Malcolm made a distinction between segregation and separation. Segregation was a division which allowed whites to retain control over the black community and keep blacks begging. Separation implied self-control.
This distinction explains his admiration for and criticism of Jews. For Malcolm, the self-sufficiency of the Jewish community was a goal for blacks to emulate. He criticized the Jewish businesses, nevertheless, for taking money out of Harlem. He chided Jewish leaders involved in the civil rights movement for not teaching blacks how to become economically self-sufficient. He thought that the Jews wanted racism to continue because it deflected prejudice away from their communities and businesses.(12)
He criticized black church leaders for failing to see how self-esteem required separation. He railed at black Christians for building churches rather than businesses. "Then after you build the church you have to go and beg the white man for a job." (13) Begging is the antithesis of self-esteem, and integration-minded blacks were begging white America to let them into the "white man's house." Getting a better job in a white man's factory was, at best, a "temporary solution." (14) Integration was nothing but an attempt by "upper class" blacks to win approval from whites. This disdain for the middle-class African Americans ran throughout his messages, as is typified by his story of the "house negro" and the "field negro."
King shared Malcolm's criticism of the black church, at least in terms of its materialism, but he did not share his pessimism toward integration. Integration was the great hope for blacks, and during the early period of King's life (1955-1966) the optimism of imminent integration pervaded his message. This optimism was inspired by the recent independence of Ghana and the freedom movements in Africa.(15) The accommodationist attitude he inherited from Atlanta's black bourgeoisie also blinded him to the limits of America's prosperity. Unlike Malcolm, the early King was unable to see the necessity of the underdevelopment of black America for the creation of America's prosperity. King believed that legal segregation was the major obstacle that prevented blacks from getting a slice of the economic pie, and the economy itself was not the primary cause of black oppression. 1n a speech to the National Urban League during this period he described the new sense of pride among blacks and said that this was the result, in part, of the "significant strides [that] have been made" in the economy of the black community.
The task for African Americans was two-fold: one, tear down Southern segregation; two, prepare for integration by raising blacks' standards of hygiene, morality, and artisanry. In a 1957 speech King uncritically accepted the stereotypes whites had of blacks. White people "say some things about us, and maybe there is some truth in them." (16) King advocated hard work, more savings, and acceptance of one's position in the economic system. All of these values, like Malcolm's, are rooted in a capitalist ethic. King, however, did not completely abandon his earlier skepticism of capitalism. He saw in it the "danger of inspiring [people] to be more concerned about making a living than making a life" and that it led to a "practical materialism."(17) Capitalism also generated an extreme individualism which blinds us from seeing our connection to the poor and the common destiny that all humans share. One can hear the language of personalism coming out in his economic thoughts. Personalism gave academic expression to the Biblical principles he learned in the black church. The criticism of capitalism during this early period was directed more toward the effect it has on the individual rather than the inherent dysfunction of the system. Thus his thinking from this period could fit neatly into a liberal capitalist point of view as well as a non-Marxian socialist perspective.
He tried to live out his commitment to the poor in his personal finances. Especially after his trip to India and his study of Gandhi, King was reluctant to own a home. This caused conflicts with Coretta, and they finally compromised and purchased a small home for $10,000.(18)
King's rejection of capitalism did not lead him to embrace the communism of his day. His opposition to Marx was three-fold: he rejected a materialistic interpretation of history which failed to see the spiritual dimension of human activity; he opposed Marx's ethical relativism as a contradiction of the principles undergirding nonviolent resistance; and he opposed the political totalitarianism he saw in Marx's followers.(19) This critique of Marx was expressed in private speeches as well as public books. He was reacting to a caricature of Marx which he may have gotten from his reading of Reinhold Niebuhr.
He praised Marx for his concern for social justice and his similarities to the Hebrew prophets. He read Marx and reflected on capitalism using his own dialectical approach. Out of this dialectic he came to justify some "modified form of socialism." (20) His trip to Sweden to receive the Nobel Peace Prize stirred his attraction to democratic socialism.
Melvin Arnold, an editor for Harper and Row, wanted him to soften his already superficial criticism of capitalism in his book Stride Toward Freedom.(21) Whatever progressive economic ideas King had during this period were suppressed by editors and ghostwriters. A number of other factors also discouraged King from criticizing the economy. The immediate problem of legal segregation placed economic concerns on the backburner. The FBI used Rustin's and Levinson's past relationships with the Communist Party to intimidate King, and any sweeping condemnation of the American economy might have brought more pressure from the FBI. Such criticism might have strained his ties with the Kennedy Administration, which he saw as essential during this time. Most important to King was the mood of the nation, which he felt was not ready at that time to embrace a radical vision for the economy. It might also have cost him valuable financial donations which were necessary for his campaign of nonviolent resistance to continue.
Money was a significant factor in the success or failure of the Southern campaigns. The economic boycotts often forced white business leaders to pressure local authorities to implement modest reforms. Fundraising determined when civil disobedience would take place.(22) Fundraising also fueled the tension between the SCLC and the NAACP, especially after Birmingham.(23)
For King a boycott was not meant to challenge the ideas of capitalism but to "put justice in business." (24) Often the issue of fair hiring practices slowed down negotiations. In Birmingham the number of black salesclerks to be hired was a key sticking point and was never resolved.(25) In the St. Augustine campaign one can see how economics and the appeal to Northern white liberals coincided. The nonviolent protests in that city were designed to shut down the tourism industry which was dependent on Northern tourists, and these tourists in turn would be moved by compassion to bring pressure on Southern segregationists.(26) Overall, King was too optimistic about boycotts as a means of moral suasion. In most cases white business leaders favored changes which restored order rather than any real movement toward equality, even though in the long run desegregation would increase the number of consumers.
During this period he began to see how economic exploitation could become a common interest bringing blacks and poor whites together. He criticized labor unions for their history of racism, but he believed that blacks and labor unions shared a "duality of interests." Unions such as Local 1199 and the UAW District 65 helped raise money for the movement.(27)
Malcolm criticized King and other leaders for receiving money from and opening membership to whites. For him the civil rights leaders were nothing more than puppets controlled by the contributions of wealthy white liberals. The 1963 march on Washington was an example to Malcolm of the compromise created by white money.(28)
His criticism of civil rights leaders as well as many other thoughts on the economy did not change after he broke with the Nation of Islam. He still viewed Jews the same way, and his economic thoughts were still based on his distinction between segregation and separation. He still criticized the black middle class as an ineffective group for bringing about change because they were controlled by "the man downtown." (29) blacks were still "economically sick" because they wasted money on alcohol and cars. They were "parasites" riding on the "udder of a fat, three-stomached cow that is white America." (30) He also understood that the role of the police in Harlem was to protect white business property.(31)
After visiting Africa in the Spring of 1964 his critique of the economic system took on more urgency. From meeting non-black Muslims he began to see how oppression and the struggle for liberation crossed racial lines. He began to move away from the apocalypticism of the Nation of Islam toward a revolutionary view of society. His economic thoughts reflected this shift.
The economic philosophy of the Organization of Afro-American Unity reflected the old "shopkeeper capitalism" of the black Muslims, but reshaped it in an aggressive, activist way. The OAAU would organize rent strikes and form coalitions to improve housing conditions. Education on economic issues was being planned. (32) Part of gaining economic self-control was to get rid of the vices which drain money out of the community. There was an interconnection among the political, social, and economic philosophies of' the OAAU which could be summed up in the term "self-control": "Nobody's going to straighten out Harlem but us. Nobody cleans up your house for you .... Harlem is your house; we'll clean it up. But when we clean it up, we'll also control it."(33)
Malcolm practiced his economic philosophy in his personal finances. Like King, Malcolm desired to live modestly, and like Martin and Coretta, Malcolm and Betty argued over saving some money for their personal use.(34)
He was also moving beyond the need for economic self-control toward embracing revolution. He began to question the economic system with more urgency. "A Chicken cannot produce a duck egg" and so a capitalist system which was rounded on black exploitation cannot produce freedom for blacks.(35) All his life Malcolm asserted that not only did capitalism thrive on or fail to respond to black underdevelopment, but that America's prosperity was the necessary consequence of this exploitation. His understanding of the necessity of a black underclass is similar to Marx's understanding of the "reserve army of labor."
Malcolm's emerging critique of capitalism paralleled Marx's use of blood as an analogy for capital accumulation:
It is impossible for capitalism to survive because the system of capitalism needs some blood to suck. Capitalism used to be like an eagle, but now it's more like a vulture .... As the nations of the world free themselves, then capitalism has less victims, less to suck, and it becomes weaker and weaker. It's only a matter of time in my opinion before it will collapse completely.(36)
Compare Marx: "If money, according to Augier, 'comes into the world with a congenital blood-stain on one cheek,' capital comes drip,ping from head to toe, from every pore, with blood and dirt."(37)
Malcolm, however, never read Marx, and when asked about Marx he referred to Spengler's The Hour of Decision. Spengler claimed that class conflict would be surpassed by race conflict, and Malcolm accepted this view of history. Class was subordinated to the larger category of race.(38) He did express interest in the socialism that was emerging in Africa and praised African scholars who were creating an African form of socialism. On his first trip to Ghana when asked what he thought of socialism, he asked if it was good for black folks. They said yes, and he replied, "Then I'm for it."(39)Even if he was developing an interest in socialism and spoke on occasion at the Militant Labor Forum, none of this suggests that he would have become a card-carrying socialist if he had lived longer. His commitment was never to economic ideology but to poor blacks. His interest in socialism was a reflection of his distaste for American capitalism and his love affair with Africa.
He did not see socialism holding any promise of being a common ground for working class whites and blacks in the United States. He knew all too well the history of racism in the labor movement. History revealed that "working class whites have been just as much against, not only working class negroes, but all negroes period, because all negroes are working class within a caste system." (40 Unlike King, he never talked about an alliance between poor whites and blacks. He did talk often of an international alliance among African Americans and other oppressed groups. This is seen in the great deal of attention he gave to the United Nations as a source of support against American racism.
The hope for an alliance between poor whites and blacks was one of the few things that did not change in King's economic thoughts. In a 1966 SCLC retreat King distinguished a pre-1966 phase of the movement which did not cost white America much, and a new phase which would cost them plenty because it was going to challenge America's economic violations of the human fight to a decent standard of living.(41) King admitted that the early phase was dominated by middle class concerns even though he had seen the Montgomery boycott as a movement which transcended class interests.(42)
There were several events and people who influenced his renewed interest in economic oppression. Foremost was the Watts riot which revealed to him the limited gains the civil rights movement had made. The 1966 campaign in Chicago reinforced the lesson of Watts. During this rime Bayard Rustin was his main economic advisor.(43) In this latter period one sees references to experiences from the earlier period, such as the trip to India.(44)
The unmet promises of the War on Poverty also shattered his earlier optimism. "The nation talks about a war on poverty, but ... it does not even make a good skirmish against poverty."(45) The Kerner Commission supported his feelings that the riots were the results of the economic deprivation of racism.(46) The President's Commission on Technology, Automation, and Economic Progress influenced his views on automation and its role in displacing workers, and John Kenneth Galbraith had a hand in King's notion of a guaranteed annual income. He even quoted Henry George in Where Do We Go From Here?947)
Another often ignored influence on King's later economic thoughts was the black power movement. After 1966 King increasingly relied on black history in the same way Malcolm did. King often initiated a critique of contemporary exploitation of blacks by recalling how the Constitution declared blacks to be "60 percent human ." He emphasized that the roots of black economic oppression go back to slavery and the lack of land for blacks after the Civil War.(48) His attention to African-American history was the indirect result of the emerging rhetoric of black power activists who had been influenced by Malcolm X.
King's reassessment of power and a new emphasis on black identity marked the influence of black power. Like Malcolm, he came to see that black businesses were a source of inspiration.(49) He also came to see the efficacy of temporary separation in order to develop black people's political, economic, and social power. "There are times when we must see segregation as a temporary way-station to a truly integrated society..(50)
The second phase of King was marked by his criticism of the Vietnam War. One of his chief criticisms of the war was the money it drained from the War on Poverty.(51) For King there were three evils--racism, economic exploitation, and militarism--which were interrelated. He opposed any attempt to deal with them as separate issues.
As in the earlier period King maintained his objections to communism, but his criticism of capitalism became sharper after 1966. Capitalism assaulted the connectedness of human existence and the spiritual dimensions of humankind. He criticized "gargantuan industry and mechanism" which left humans alienated from one another. The crimes in the ghetto were the products of a racist economy. Racism served capitalism by creating a reserve of unskilled and low-paid workers.(52) This has obvious parallels to Marx's notion of a reserve army of labor. King came to see that "we must ask the question of whether an edifice which produces beggars must not be restructured and refurbished." (53)
His solutions were, however, more a reflection of Keynesian capitalism than radical economics. What was needed was an emergency federal program to create full employment.(54) Operation Bread basket was a program to get blacks employed in companies doing substantial business in the black community. King also saw the solution in a guaranteed annual income. A guaranteed annual income would transform the poor into consumers. This in turn would improve housing conditions, raise individuals' dignity, decrease domestic violence, and inevitably shower the poor with "a host of positive psychological changes." (55) What was needed in the black community, according to King, was a program like the "G.I. Bill" to bring in massive economic development. King's interest in a guaranteed income presupposed that the problem was essentially one of distributive rather than productive justice.
King's vision during this period was a "grand alliance" between poor whites and blacks, though he recognized the tremendous appeal racist politics had among poor whites. The SCLC initiated Operation Dialogue to begin to build bridges with poor white communities. The Poor People's Campaign was to be the first major attempt at creating this alliance. It was to be a campaign of the poor themselves, but the non-poor could play a "supportive role." (56) It was intended to create the kind of massive civil disobedience that was originally envisioned for the first march on Washington. In many ways the Poor People's Campaign can be seen as the fulfillment--and the failure--of the 1963 march.
Both Martin and Malcolm died just as their thinking and organizing around economic issues started to blossom, and it is impossible to speculate where they might be today. Their witness to us resides not so much in the conclusions of their ever-changing thoughts but in the spirit of their inquiry and commitment. They were open to new ideas and criticism, and both carried a passion for all people who suffer oppression.
1. Manning Marable, How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America (Boston: South End Press, 1983), pp. 63-64.
2. Stephen B. Oates, Let the Trumpet Sound (New York: Plume Books, 1982), p. 21.
3. David J. Garrow, "The Intellectual Development of Martin Luther King,Jr.: Influences and Commentary," Union Seminary Quaterly Review (November, 1985):9.
4. Malcolm X, The Autobiography of Malcolm X, with Alex Haley (New York: Ballantine Books, 1965), p. 13.
5. Ibid., p. 78.
6. Ibid., p. 90.
7. Malcolm X, The Last Speeches, ed. Bruce Perry (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1989), pp. 63-65.
8. Peter Goldman, The Death and Life of Malcolm X, 2nd ed. (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1979), p.109.
9. Malcolm X, Autobiography, p. 254.
10. Ibid., The End of White World Supremacy, ed. Imam Benjamin Karim (New York: Arcade Publishing, 1971), p. 109.
11. Ibid., Autobiography, p. 263.
12. Ibid., p. 283; Ibid., By Any Means Necessary, ed. George Breitman, (NewYork: Pathfinder Press, 1970), p.4; and Ibid., "Playboy Interview," Playboy, (May 1963):57.
13. Ibid., The End of White World Supremacy, p. 38.
14. Ibid., p. 73.
15. James Cone, "Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Third World," The Journal of American History (September, 1987) :455467.
16. Martin Luther King, Jr., "Some Things We Must Do," President's Address, (Montgomery, AL, December 5, 1957).
17. Martin Luther King, Jr. Stride Toward Freedom, (New York: Harper and Row, 1958), p. 94.
18. David Garrow, Bearing the Cross (New York: Vintage, 1986), p. 421.
19. Martin Luther King, Jr., "Lincoln University Commencement Address, June 6, 1961," Negro History Bulletin (May 1968) :14; and Ibid., Stride Toward Freedom, pp. 92-95.
20. Garrow, Bearing the Cross, p. 382.
21. King, Stride Toward Freedom, p. 131.
22. Garrow, Bearing the Cross, p. 234.
23. Ibid., pp. 269-270.
24. King, Stride Toward Freedom, p. 51.
25. Garrow, Bearing the Cross, p. 258.
26. Ibid., p. 326.
27. Martin Luther King, Jr., "If the Negro Wins, Labor Wins," in A Testament of Hope, James M Washington, ed., (New York: Harper and Row, 1986), p. 203.
28. Malcolm X, "Message to the Grassroots," in Malcolm X Speaks (New York: Merit Publishers, 1965), p. 15.
29. Ibid., By Any Means Necessary, p. 71.
30. Ibid., Autobiography, p. 313.
31. Ibid., By Any Means Necessary, p. 30.
32. Ibid., pp. 4%48; and Ibid., "The Ballot or the Bullet," in Malcolm X Speaks, pp. 38-39.
33. Ibid., Last Speeches, p. 133.
34. Ibid., Autobiography, p. 291.
35. Ibid., By Any Means Necessary, p. 116.
36. Ibid., p. 165-166.
37. Karl Marx, Capital, Ben Fowkes, trans, 3 vols. (New York: Vintage, 1977), 1:926.
38. Malcolm X, By Any Means Necessary , pp. 20-21.
39. Goldman, Death and Life, p. 235.
40. Malcolm X, By Any Means Necessary , pp. 12-13.
41. Martin Luther King, Jr., "Speech at Staff Retreat, Penn Center, Frogmore, South Carolina," unpublished ms., November 14, 1966, p. 14.
42. King, "Speech at Staff Retreat," pp. 16-17; Ibid., "Some Things We Must Do," p.1.
43. Garrow, Bearing the Cross, p. 446.
44. King, "Lincoln University Commencement Address," p. 11; Ibid., "A Christmas in Peace," in Testament of Hope, p. 254.
45. Ibid., "Speech at Staff Retreat," p. 16.
46. Ibid., "Conversation with Martin Luther King," Conservative Judaism, (Spring 1968), 22.3:14.
47. Martin Luther King, Jr., Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos or Community? (Boston: Beacon Press, 1967), p. 248.
48. Oates, Let the Trumpet Sound, p. 12.
49. King, Where Do We Go From Here, p. 248.
50. Ibid., "Conversations," p. 8.
51. Ibid., "Speech at Staff Retreat," p. 21.
52. Ibid., Where Do We Go From Here, p. 7.
53. Ibid., "Speech at Staff Retreat," p. 9.
54. Oates, Let the Trumpet Sound, p. 14.
55. King, Where Do We Go From Here?, p. 250.
56. Ibid., "Conversations", p. 18.
Reverend Darren Cushman-Wood is a graduate of Union Theological Seminary and currently serves as a United Methodist Minister in Henry County, Indiana.…
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Publication information: Article title: Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X: Economic Insights and Influences. Contributors: Cushman-Wood, Darren - Author. Magazine title: Monthly Review. Volume: 45. Issue: 1 Publication date: May 1993. Page number: 21+. © 1999 Monthly Review Foundation, Inc. COPYRIGHT 1993 Gale Group.
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