Liberal public opinion found it easier to accept the defections from the pro-Soviet cause than from the radical movement of the 1960s.
-- The Bad Old Days by Paul Hollander, April 1990
Capitalism's relentless erosion of proprietary institutions furnishes the clearest evidence of its incompatibility with anything that deserves the name of cultural conservatism. There is obviously a good deal to be said, from a conservative point of view, for the institution of private property.... Twentieth-century capitalism, however, has replaced private property with a corporate form of property that confers none of these moral and cultural advantages. The transformation of artisans, farmers, and other small proprietors into wage-earners undermines the "traditional values" conservatives seek to preserve.
-- Conservatism Against Itself by Christopher Lasch, April 1990
A new chapter is now opening in Eastern Europe, but we should not be overly surprised if, as in Africa, the old ways soon reassert themselves. The things that people and governments say in the flush of sudden change may not correspond closely to the structures they elaborate with the passage of time. In the gray morning after the previous night's celebration old mental habits easily reappear, especially if vague but heady promises of better days are not soon realized.
-- Eastern Europe: History Resumed by Thomas Molnar, April 1990
Here is the crux of the problem. Evangelical and fundamentalist Christians find too little difficulty validating the Jewish right to the land of Israel on the basis of biblical promises. But the Vatican and the recent bishops' statement err in the other direction.... It is not enough for the Catholic Church to take note of Jewish ties to the land "that have deep biblical roots." If they have deep biblical roots, then the Church must also take these ties seriously, not only as something that Jews have but as something the Church must struggle with. That decision was made when the Church decided to make the Hebrew Bible its own.
-- The Bishops and the Middle East by Michael Wyschogrod, April 1990
There are no liberal neckties. At a conservative gathering one will generally find a smattering of Adam Smith neckties. In the back of conservative magazines, there are likely to be one-column advertisements for Tocqueville neckties, Madison neckties, even Burke neckties.... When liberal essayist Robert Reich summarizes a conservative policy in his collection of essays The Resurgent Liberal and Other Unfashionable Prophesies, he invariably begins his account with its intellectual roots.... But when Reich subsequently sets out to revivify liberal ideology, he makes scant reference to what used to be called The Great Books. There is seemingly no one Mr. Reich can wear on his necktie.
-- The Necktie Gap by David Brooks, May 1990
If one is going to be a socialist, Michael Harrington's variety is perhaps the best kind to be. Before his premature death from cancer this past year, Harrington worked with Dorothy Day to help the poor in New York slums, wrote sixteen books, made a major impact on national policy by calling attention to the scandal of poverty in our midst by his The Other America, and brought hundreds of disenchanted "old left" leaders from the thirties and perhaps thousands more of the alienated "new left" activists from the sixties into the mainstream of democratic participation.
-- Michael Harrington's Socialism by Max L. Stackhouse, June/July 1990
In a recent conversation, a sociologist in Spain who has studied the great changes that have occurred in the Roman Catholic Church since the Second Vatican Council said something that struck me as very insightful. Christians who consider themselves "progressives," he said, always tell us to "read the signs of the times"; has it never occurred to these people, he asked, that they might write some of these signs? …