Women's Magazines as Spaces for Dissent: Restructuring in Poland
Rukszto, Katarzyna, Resources for Feminist Research
The post-communist restructuring in Poland has included a redefinition of gender relations and conceptions of womanhood. The paper compares the deployment of gender identity and citizenship in two women's magazines during the Communist period and at present. Women's magazines serve as both a testimony to the changing discourses of gender, and as spaces of dissent against the current state reinforcement of patriarchal gender ideology and the retrenchment of public-private split.
La restructuration de la Pologne post-communiste a compris une redefinitions des rapports de sexe et des representations des femmes. L'article compare l'articulation de l'identite genree et de la citoyennete dans deux magazines de femmes publies pendant la periode communiste et actuellement. Non seulemenmt les revues de femmes temoignent-ils des discours changeants entourant le genre, mais ils agissent egalement en tant que forum pour la dissidence contre le renforcement actuel de la part de l'erat de l'ideologie patriarcale genree ainsi que le retrenchement de la division entre les domaines public et prive.
The economic and legislative restructuring that has taken place since 1989 in Poland has had a tremendous impact on all aspects of social relations. The reorganization of the state from a centrally-planned economy to a capitalist market economy to date has included legal "reforms" (the new 1997 constitution being the most current example), changes in market rules and regulations, rewriting of school curricula, and the reorganization of work.
A fundamental aspect of these changes is the ongoing redefinition of gender relations and conceptions of womanhood. The current state and corporate favouritism towards male workers in the context of high unemployment in Poland is explained through a particular patriarchal discourse of rigidly defined male and female roles, where women are relegated solely to the private sphere. Current media discussions about gender relations and, specifically, about the possibilities for women, are markedly different in content and analysis from similar discussions that took place under the Communist rule.
In this article I will sketch the discursive transformation of gender identity and citizenship by tracing and comparing their deployment in two women's magazines during the Communist period and at present.(1) Because the two magazines that I focus on, Kobieta i Zycie (Woman and Life) and Przyjaciolka (Woman Friend), are two of the longest running women's magazines (published since the early 1950s) they are particularly well suited to analyze the straggles that have been waged around the relationships between gender, citizenship and work. In Poland's new social order it is clear that new discursive forms of gender and citizenship are crucially important in the process of constituting and stabilizing the new Polish state. The women's magazines have been in the past, and continue to be today, spaces for criticisms of government policy, for presenting alternative visions of democracy and gender relations, and for situating women's issues and concerns as central to any discussion of policy and politics. In such ways, these women's magazines offer a limited space for voices of dissent, as sites where the economic and political restructuring of the current capitalist Poland is critically assessed.
At the heart of current nation-building efforts in Poland is the reconceptualization of womanhood and the conceptual and practical reinforcement of the public/private split. This movement, and the contestations around it, are visible in the deployment of different discourses of gender in women's magazines. The new ideological terrain, supported and legitimated by state administrative and textual practices, regulates "acceptable forms and images of social activity and individual and collective identity" (Corrigan and Sayer, 1985, p. 3). It is important to recognize the naturalizing effect of the new cultural codes of femininity, masculinity, and citizenship that are currently forming in Poland. The current middle-class notions of femininity, coupled with the contract model of citizenship, legitimize and strengthen the development of a capitalist state in Poland. The magazines offer an insight into the relationship between state formation and shifts in gender and citizenship discourses.
From "mother-worker" to the contradictory character of "the enterprising woman," the magazines struggle with their commitment to women's issues and their own participation in public discussion about gender identity. In order to situate the current discussions about women, work, family and the state, we must understand what the magazines are departing from, and how questions about the relationship between gender and citizenship were discussed on their pages in the Communist period.
Women and "Citizen-Worker"
The best way to typify discourses of gender during the Communist regime in Poland is to say that they were in perpetual contest with each other. Competing articulations of womanhood, for instance the state's construction of the "mother-worker" model of citizen, and the Catholic Church's idealization of "the sacrificing mother", were available to make sense of gender at the same time. Popular women's magazines, like Kobieta i Zycie and Przyjaciolka, utilized either or both of these icons in their efforts to articulate a particular kind of feminine gender identity and to shape and reflect women's subjectivities in the context of the new Communist state.
The Communist discourse of "mother-worker" was legally based in the gendered language of constitutionally guaranteed equality.(2) Alongside legal guarantees of equal rights to such things as health care, were laws specifically designed to accommodate mothers and motherhood in the workplace.(3) Besides the clearly progressive provisions for women, such as maternity leave and job security after maternity leave, the special status as "mothers" disadvantaged female workers. These laws treated women as explicitly gendered subjects and worked to, for example, bar women from entering jobs deemed harmful to potential mothers. In the name of preserving women's (and potential future citizens') health, women were not allowed to work in certain job categories, such as mining or heavy industry, that were, incidentally, highly paid and much sought after (Regulska, 1992, p. 181).
Through women-specific legislation, the state utilized notions of universality and difference at the same time, with women being framed as both the hegemonic universal subjects (as workers) while also embodying a different subject position (as mothers). Women's special status as both a productive and a reproductive population was reinforced. Thus women were neutrally "citizens" in all ways, except one. In that case, women's neutral citizen status was converted into a special category, that of "mother." This special status influenced women's other position as "worker," resulting in the construction of the "mother-worker" identity. This hybrid, which establishes women's identity as constituted through women's simultaneous involvement in paid work and mothering, enabled the implementation of such state practices as legislating job security for women returning from maternity leave.
In general, the process of Communist state formation in Poland included the creation of an ideal model of new citizen, a "citizen-worker." Article 14.1 of the 1952 constitution states that work is "the right, the duty and a matter of honour of every citizen" (Constitution, 1952). In addition, all the references in the constitution to Polish citizens mention the context of work. Men and women were equally workers, a concept which necessitated the revision of "traditional" ideas about the role of women that focussed primarily on motherhood. This is not to say that the state abandoned the notion that women are natural caretakers, but rather the concepts of motherhood and social reproduction became explicitly linked with the productive work of women. The development of a national economy and the enlargement of social services were synchronized so that childcare responsibilities would not prohibit women's participation in the labour force(4) (Einhorn, 1993; Hauser et al., 1993; Holzer and Wasilawska-Trenkner, 1985; Millard, 1992; Siemienska, 1985).
"Mother-Worker" in Women's Magazines
The construction of "mother-worker"(5) was swiftly embraced by women's magazines in Poland, especially by Kobieta i Zycie and Przyjaciolka. Neither of these two magazines were put out by the Women's League of the Party, although they were associated with the Communist Party's publishing house (Einhorn, 1993, p. 245), though some writers accused these magazines of being "conformist" to the Communist Party (Einhorn, 1993). It is important to note, however, that both magazines consistently ran articles criticizing the government for sexist policies, for not fulfilling policy promises, and chastizing the Women's League for bad organization, misplaced priorities and the like. The women's magazines were one of the few organs in communist Poland that openly criticized state practices for disadvantaging women.
The content of the magazines included critical articles on issues of women's employment, education and other topics. Besides employing regular columnists, the magazines also included articles written by freelance writers. Readers were continually encouraged to send articles, essays and letters to the magazines and the magazines advertised new positions within their pages.
The ways in which the magazines approached the issues surrounding "mother-worker" varied depending on the writer. However, greater socialization of childcare and domestic responsibilities was the standard solution offered in all discussions about women's difficulties of combining family responsibilities and paid work. In an article entitled "There must be a program," one author makes the argument that there must be a comprehensive social program of childcare so that all women are able to work without being constrained by childcare responsibilities (Piotrowski, 1963, p. 3). The author comments that the issue of providing creches and kindergartens should be contextualized within the social, economic and political mandate of a socialist society (Piotrowski, 1963, p. 3). The magazines presented various issues such as the lack of childcare or the problem of housework, through both academic analysis, backed with statistics and expert testimony, and through personal narratives of their readers/writers.
Most of the articles and readers' contributions presented the "mother-worker" as the natural outcome of a progressive organization of society. The concern and desire expressed by the writers is for institutional childcare support so that family responsibilities do not interfere with women's paid work. Nonetheless, as in state discourse, childcare was strongly attached to the subject position of women as mothers, and all suggested alternatives to private childcare were discussed in the context of the productive and reproductive work of mothers.
No similar attachment of the reproductive (child caring) role to male workers was attempted. The communist state did not abandon patriarchal conceptions of men and women, but rather these have changed to accommodate this new construction of "mother-worker," whose involvement with work was conditioned by her reproductive role. The patriarchy of the state was manifested in the (un)conscious adherence to the social and sexual division of labour on the part of state agents. Women were underrepresented in such well paying industries as mining, and overrepresented in lower paying jobs such as nursing. Also, men have systematically been overrepresented in managerial and other higher administrative positions (Einhorn, 1993, pp. 124-125).
However, by taking on the responsibility of providing kindergartens, school camps, after-school dinners and other types of childcare support, the state has to some extent redefined "the family" and motherhood. Familial functions that were previously defined as private or communal, like taking care of children and providing meals, took on a social character. In effect, to a great extent childcare became socialized. The activities of the Polish state in the area of childcare were not unique. Communist efforts at bringing equality between men and women have traditionally included reappraising childcare and maternity as social functions that need state protection and support. Although in limited ways, the articulation of social state responsibility challenged patriarchal definitions of gender relations and motherhood, which were based on the privatized notion of woman's moral responsibility.
The latter notion of women's morality is similar to that articulated by the Catholic Church in Poland. The Polish state also had an implicit notion of women's morality but it was quite different from morality as understood by the Catholic Church. Both the Catholic Church and the Communist state shared the assumption of innate differences between men and women, including differences in moral judgement, with women being better able to make moral decisions guided by an ethic of care for others. However, the state version incorporated the notion of women's responsibility, but articulated it as responsibility for rational decision-making that encompassed concerns beyond those of immediate family obligations.
The "mother-worker" was a sub-category of the "citizen-worker." Clearly, part of the work of the "mother-worker" was giving birth and raising children. However, this work was no longer considered a private responsibility, but rather it was socially important. The child was not only the parents' child but it was also potentially a new citizen and worker (child of the state). For that reason, childcare generally and work of mothers specifically became socially valued, and warranted the protection and support of the state.
The notion of children as the state's future citizens is clearly articulated in women's magazines. The phrase "children -- the future builders of our country" is often repeated. For example, an article on behavioural problems among teenagers lists the following institutions as in need of programs for teenagers: workplaces, neighbourhood committees, social services, schools, the police, and so on. The main point of the article was that parents were not to be blamed for misbehaving children, because children do not belong to parents alone (Blond, 1961, p. 3).
Through such discussions, the women's magazines participated in the process of redefining the responsibilities of mothers and the state, enabling the development of women's subjectivity(6) that is not solely linked to women's nurturing capabilities. Women's sense of self was shaped by the reality of continuous female employment, and productive labour became assumed to be necessary for one's self-development. There are numerous instances in the women's magazines where work is presented as being intrinsically connected to women's identity. For example, as evidence for the necessity of increasing the number of creches and kindergartens, one article uses a survey that shows that most women treat their jobs as permanent, not as temporary.
The extension of previously "private" activities and responsibilities into institutional social spaces through the establishment of creches and kindergartens and the institution of after-school dinners were efforts at socializing childcare. However, these efforts were not supplemented by affirmative action programs that would make childcare work attractive to men. Hence the notion that childbearing and child rearing were the natural domain of women (although not necessarily mothers) remained intact. The workers at the kindergartens, school cafeterias and children's after-school camps were overwhelmingly female (Siemienska, 1985, p. 309). This paradox -- socialized childcare done mainly by female workers -- ensured that childcare remained as a necessary part of the content of mother-worker's labour and as a component of the definition of "women." Ultimately, childcare remained intact as women's responsibility.
As mentioned above, however, due in large part to the policy of full employment, women's subjectivities were shaped by their identity as workers. Women's magazines were a site where women's identification with work as indispensable to a sense of individual identity was often expressed.
While the magazines regularly presented paid work as intrinsic to women's identity, at the same time they critiqued the government for often neglecting or not fully implementing state obligations that specifically enabled women to be in the workforce.(7) Besides numerous articles and letters criticizing inadequate supply of creches and kindergartens and cleaning services, the magazines also criticized the state for ignoring widespread social problems such as alcoholism.
The magazines also scrutinized legal reforms. The introduction of new age requirements for marriage (18 for women, 21 for men) that went into effect in 1961 was called a double standard of what is considered maturity for men and women (Wrochno, 1962, p. 2). Similarly, the magazines critiqued the 1960 reforms of the Family Code, which excluded the clause of "equal rights to income generated during marriage in case of divorce", did not use the term "for social protection" with regards to the Family Court, and did not include a clause making wifebeating illegal, as "a step backward, towards a patriarchal definition of the family" (Wrochno, 1962, p. 2). Such open critiques of state practices were not easily found in the mass media in communist Poland.
The "Polish Mother" and the Catholic Church
The Catholic Church's conceptualization of gender is based on the assumption that the division of public and private spheres relates to the "natural" differences between men and women. In the "private" realm of the home, women are supposed to perform their duties of taking care of others and being responsible for the family's physical, emotional, moral and spiritual wellbeing. Importantly, unlike the state discourse, the Church's construction of womanhood rested the responsibility for the wellbeing and morality of children entirely on the shoulders of mothers.
Embracing the "mother-worker" meant that the magazines did not challenge the patriarchal notions of women's responsibility for the safety and moral growth of children (and, by extension, the society at large). The image of woman as domestic worker was further entrenched by running questionnaires that asked "are you a good housewife," printing recipes, carrying a "housecleaning tips" section and so on. However, the magazines' writers disagreed with the Church on many issues including abortion, contraception, and violence against women. Although usually not directly, the patriarchal doctrine of the Church was implicitly criticized in articles on such topics.
Women (and men) in Poland generally internalized the patriarchal notion of moral responsibility of women towards their families as well as the notion of innate differences between men and women, both of which were promoted by the Catholic Church. The Church, opposing the government, blamed the breakdown of families, high divorce rates and other "social evils" on the corrupting ways of communism, while being careful not to overly criticize actual policies for fear of alienating parishioners. However, it seems that most Catholics in Poland looked to the Church for spiritual uplift and political message but preferred the secularity of male-female relations promoted by the state.
Women in Poland were, and still are, the main caretakers of children, but during the period of communist rule they did not have to make the choice between having children and working. In the current era of capitalist restructuring, Polish women find themselves unemployed in ever greater numbers, and the choices are few (Einhorn, 1993).
The Enterprising Woman
The new discourses of gender and citizenship which have emerged in Poland in the aftermath of what in the West is triumphantly called "the collapse of communism" facilitate the establishment of the new capitalist state. The communist construction of the "mother-worker" is vigorously challenged by current post-communist conservative notions of femininity predicated on patriarchal conceptions of the essential difference between men and women and on the liberal principle of the division between public and private spheres, with women being relegated to the private realm of the family.
Feminist scholars continue to discover the differential effects on men and women of the economic and political restructuring in Poland since 1989. The Polish state is in the process of redefining itself from being a state based on command economy with a one-party system into a state based on a capitalist economic organization and a multi-party political system. Such a transformation to date has included large scale far-reaching reform in legislation, privatization of social services and state enterprises and so on. Men and women alike are experiencing stressful living conditions due to increasing unemployment and spiralling prices on all goods, not to mention changing state obligations for the welfare of citizens. However, sexist discrimination against women, no longer mediated by the previous state policies of sex equality, has resulted in women shouldering a far greater burden of what has been euphemistically called "the temporary difficulties of the transition period." Greater unemployment among women, sexist discrimination in hiring and advertising practices, lowered standard of living, escalation of child poverty, and systematic attacks on reproductive rights are some of the issues facing Polish women today. For example, in December 1991, despite the fact that 50 percent of unemployed people in Poland were women, there were job offers for only 0.83 percent of women (job advertisements are organized by sex, which means that women have less openings to choose from, and that the distinction between "male jobs" and "female jobs" organizes the very practices of hiring) (Einhorn, 1993, p. 134). Work for women in semi-skilled occupations, and in traditionally male occupations has become scarce, and for a variety of reasons more women than men become unemployed (Lobodzinska, 1996, p. 529). These problems are compounded by the lack of state and legal commitment towards the eradication of violence against women, and the increasing ideological campaign, spearheaded by the Catholic Church, to confine women to the site of family and home (Einhorn, 1993; Funk and Mueller, 1993; Helsinki Watch, 1992; Jankowska, 1993; Simpson, 1994; Hockenos, 1993; Douglas, 1994; Kopczewska, 1994; Karpinski, 1995).
These trends must be understood in relation to the developing discourses of femininity and citizenship. The new model of citizenship is predicated on the classical liberal positing of the entrepreneurial class as the best example of citizenship (Rukszto, 1997, p. 103). This classical liberal doctrine assumes that individuals are equals entering into contracts with each other in the market place based on self-interest. Such entrepreneurship is theoretically available to all, variable only due to individual talent and motivation.
This clearly poses a problem for most women, whose ability to become citizen-entrepreneurs is hindered by their location in the sexual division of labour, and by the implications for women of the entrenchment of the public/private split. According to liberal theory, citizenship can be realized in the realms of commerce, government, and other public activities. The "public sphere" is the arena of citizenship. The difference and division between the public and private spheres is entrenched, as activities in each sphere are rendered mutually exclusive and differently valued. In Poland, public discussions of citizen participation assume the above distinction between public participation in civic life of society, and the private life of the family. Not only has restructuring in Poland meant high unemployment, it has also resulted in a reduced participation in politics for women. Coupled with increasing responsibility for childcare as a result of the privatization and reduction of childcare facilities, and conservative attacks on abortion, contraception and sex education, women in Poland have been forced into the "private" domain. It would appear that from the standpoint of liberal bourgeois theory, women can best come into the arena of citizenship through their legal attachment to men, either fathers or husbands. The marginalization of women from the "public" life in contemporary Poland bears witness to the real effects of the patriarchal ideology of contract citizenship.
Older women's magazines in Poland like Kobieta i Zycie and Przyjaciolka are fraught with tension as they continue to advocate women's rights and analyze the myriad of issues that come out of Poland's restructuring in terms of what they mean for women, at the same time as they struggle to come to grips with the changing discourses of gender and citizenship. In addition they must compete with new glossy women's magazines modelled after American and European women's magazines, that primarily focus on fashion and style.
As a result, the older magazines exhibit interesting contradictions. On the one hand, they continue their tradition of portraying women as central actors in the political and economic sphere. They carry interviews with women politicians, business women and professionals. The tone of such features is often one of embracing the new political order, and women are presented as participants at all levels of the political and economic transformation. However, in many such features, there are indications of the difficulties that women in Poland are having in their attempts to participate in "the public sphere." The women profiled as role models are portrayed as performing their public duties under duress, always in crisis.
For example, most of these high profile women complain about their inability to combine domestic responsibilities with their jobs. They are reluctant to describe themselves as "happy," implying that public life carries a personal price for women. Thus portraits of women "entrepreneurs" provide a sense of these women as occupying contradictory locations. The new model of citizenship as predicated on the liberal construction of the autonomous enterprising individual, leaves women unable to fully achieve it. Their long-standing location in the centre of familial and other relations renders most women unable to enter into "contracts" with men in the public sphere as equals. Because of the unequal sexual division of labour, because of sexist assumptions about women's abilities, men (as workers and as decision makers) are advantaged by the unequal relations between groups and individuals that organize patriarchal capitalist societies. Currently circulating discourses of femininity defined by domesticity explicitly pathologize those women who desire to attain the status of public citizen as unnatural and prone to failure. The sexist discrimination in hiring, firing and unfair employment and other policies complete the circular logic of this process.
The magazines also run interviews with male political leaders. Kobieta i Zycie published an interview with Jacek Kuron, a key dissident-turned-politician, which tellingly explained the source of difficulties that women encounter in the public sphere. In his attempt to explain the intent of (sexist) state policies, Kuron justified the differential access for men and women to the public sphere as stemming, in his view, from the natural sexual division of labour. He articulated women's role in the new state to be that of mothers, whose special responsibility is to teach their (male) children the values of the new social order (Sieklucka, 1994). His argument is located squarely within the larger patriarchal ideology of the need for women to return to their natural place, and the general assumption of the male subject that underlies liberal theorizations of citizenship.
However, alongside the seemingly reassuring articles about the desirability of the new social order, there are also articles that are heavily critical of particular state policies, emerging public attitudes and the involvement of the Catholic Church in public affairs. For example, an article titled "Is Ours a Male Democracy?" problematizes the gendered nature of the government's assumptions about what constitutes social good, as well as questioning the new regime's record on women's participation in politics, on reproductive rights and other legislation (Iwaszkiewicz, 1993).
The magazines have not weakened their historically progressive stance on women's reproductive rights, in particular their support for legal abortion. As far as I can tell, only in these two women's magazines can one read about the spread of "abort tours" (organized trips to neighbouring countries for women to get abortions), within an analysis of women's human rights and health implications for women of the new restrictions on abortions (Kopczewska, 1994). The magazines' general progressive stance on reproductive rights is in line with the general public opinion on the issue. Opinion surveys conducted in early 1990s, during the period of various anti-abortion legislative drafts being introduced, show that 60 percent of the population (the results were not broken down by sex) oppose the criminalization of abortion (Einhorn, 1993, p. 100). Furthermore, during the debate about abortion, the popularity of the Catholic Church had declined by up to 40 percent (Einhorn, 1993, p. 102). It seems that Polish citizens' loyalty to the Church is mediated by the level of the Church's involvement in regulating their personal lives. Thus while many Poles appreciated the vocal opposition of the Church to the Communist regime, there is not a massive support for the Church to become part of the current governing structure.
Unlike their younger competitors, Kobieta i Zycie and Przyjaciolka have not been content to reflect the effects of restructuring in Poland uncritically. While there is an increasing pressure to conform to the conventional standards of coverage in popular women's magazines -- fashion, style, celebrities, food, relationship and household tips -- these two magazines continue to assert themselves as serious contenders in the public political debate. While showing willingness and enthusiasm for the new construct of citizen as an independent individual (as the opposite of the politically undesirable "Communist" dependent individual), they ask how (or whether) it can be realized for women. The magazines continue to be vigilant about broken promises of state agencies and political parties.
Clearly, women's magazines are caught in the whirlwind of the ongoing economic and political restructuring in Poland. They continue to be an important forum for discussions of issues from the perspective of how they affect women. Discourses of gender developed in the Communist period have not completely been abandoned, not by the writers nor, judging by recent issues, Polish women in general. Recent research conducted among unemployed women in Poland showed the overwhelming desire and economic need among women to work. Most of the women utilized elements of constructions of gender and citizenship that developed in the Communist period -- work as a right of citizenship, work as self-fulfillment -- along with the recognition of their need for income (Lobodzinska, 1996, p. 529).
Women's "double day," childcare, reproductive rights, and so on, are important topics for the magazines. But they are discussed differently now. There is less and less discussion of the state's or employer's responsibility for the provision of childcare and more attempts at framing these issues as one of women's choice. While the magazines have not abandoned their commitment towards the idea of women having the right to work, their pages are increasingly being taken up by advertisements and advice columns on how to be a good mother and housekeeper.
The effects of restructuring are being felt by women in many ways, from unemployment, to reduction of social services, to the increasing harassment and intimidation by the medical and religious establishment. The feminist movement in Poland is small and fragmented, and largely invisible. Popular women's magazines have provided an important space for voices of dissent in contemporary Poland, and may continue to be one of the few highly accessible media where a critique (albeit limited) of the restructuring process is made.
(1.) My discussion of the two magazines is based on research conducted for a larger unpublished study of women's magazines in Communist Poland (Rukszto, 1994), and on research on representations of women's identity and citizenship in capitalist Poland (Rukszto, 1997). I analyzed the content of all issues that the two magazines produced between 1952-1964, and 1993-94. All translations are mine.
(2.) Art. 66.1 to An. 67.2 of the 1952 Constitution specifically extend equal fights to women and men in all spheres of life, ensuring this equality with "equal pay for equal work" legislation. Art. 83 guarantees equal electoral rights of women and men (Const., 1952).
(3.) Art. 66.2 of the 1952 Constitution guarantees the following: mother-and-child care, protection of expectant mothers, paid holidays during the period before and after confinement, the development of a network of maternity homes, creches and nursery schools, the extension of a network of service establishments and restaurants and canteens (Const., 1952).
(4.) See Holzer and Wasilawska-Trenkner on affirmative action measures to counter discriminatory practices in training and hiring (1985).
(5.) The magazines used various terms to describe female workers, including the term "mother-worker" (other terms were "woman-citizen," "worker-woman," "worker-mother"). However, the terms were used descriptively only, that is to identify women who work outside of the home. These terms were not used as analytic devices for understanding gender identity in communist Poland.
(6.) The concept of subjectivity refers to the perception of one's location in the world that is informed by the larger processes and structural organization. As Dorothy Smith argues, subjective knowing is shaped by one's location to others, although the outcome of the subject's activities and the extent of social relations entered into through one's activities are not always known to the subject (1987, p. 141).
(7.) Regulska notes the extreme shortage of nurseries for children up to three years old and the inadequate availability of childcare facilities for older children (1992, p. 182).
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Publication information: Article title: Women's Magazines as Spaces for Dissent: Restructuring in Poland. Contributors: Rukszto, Katarzyna - Author. Journal title: Resources for Feminist Research. Volume: 27. Issue: 3-4 Publication date: Annual 2000. Page number: 83+. © 2008 O.I.S.E. COPYRIGHT 2000 Gale Group.
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