But Seriously, Folks, What Do People Want?

By Fried, Barbara H. | Stanford Law Review, June 2013 | Go to article overview

But Seriously, Folks, What Do People Want?


Fried, Barbara H., Stanford Law Review


INTRODUCTION
  I. ARLEN AND TONTRUP: THE ENDOWMENT EFFECT AND THE ROLE OF
     REGRET
     A. Experimental Design
         1. Agents as responsibility diffusers
         2. Responsibility shifting through conformity with a group
     B. Interpreting the Results
 II. HOFFMAN AND WILKINSON-RYAN: TAKING PRECAUTIONS BEFORE AND
     AFTER ENTERING INTO A CONTRACT
     A. Experimental Design
     B. Interpreting the Results
III. So WHAT DO PEOPLE WANT AND WHAT DIFFERENCE DOES IT MAKE?
     A. Staying Within the RC Model
     B. Leaving RCT Behind

INTRODUCTION

In a lecture he gave at Stanford many years ago, Richard Rorty recounted the following story: A friend, an eminent decision theorist, had to decide between competing job offers from two universities. Unable to choose, he called up Rorty for advice. "Why don't you make one of those fancy decision trees you're always writing about?" suggested Rorty. His friend's response: "Oh, come on, Dick, this is serious."

The story came to mind in reading through the papers in behavioral economics presented at the Seventh Annual Conference on Empirical Legal Studies (CELS). One of the most exciting bodies of work to come out of the social sciences over the last fifty years, the heuristics and biases (H&B) wing of behavioral economics has identified robust patterns in human decisionmaking that undermine many of the core assumptions of rational choice theory (RCT): that we have stable preferences, that we act "rationally" to optimize those preferences, and that utility depends on end states (e.g., total wealth), rather than gains and losses off of a reference point (e.g., of prior wealth).

But RCT and much of the H&B research on consumer behavior share one presupposition, which is arguably more important than all of the ones they disagree about: that the ultimate carriers of utility in consumer transactions are commodity bundles, that consumers' "true" preference is to optimize on those bundles, and therefore that prospect theory and other violations of expected utility theory documented by H&B scholars "must lead to normatively unacceptable consequences." (1) The question I want to raise here is: what if that supposition is wrong? Suppose, for example, that in the typical purchase decision, the consumer's "true" preference is not to maximize some function of wealth (absolute, relative, or changes in wealth measured against a reference point), but instead to minimize the time and mental energy spent on trades, because once she has reached an acceptable level of material consumption at a fairly low level of demandingness, she gets little if any additional utility from optimizing, compared to the other things she could be doing with that time. What difference would that make in how we interpret experimental findings in behavioral economics and psychology?

For RCT, it makes no analytical difference. "True preference," like maximand, has no operational meaning. Optimizing on a choice always means optimizing on the outcome minus the costs of getting there. Once costs are accounted for, the optimal decisionmaking strategy is, in Herbert Simon's words, more appropriately described as "satisficing," meaning settling for a good enough (satisfactory) outcome. (2) Thus, the difference between a consumer who seeks to "maximize" on a toaster, subject to keeping search costs tolerable, and one who seeks to "minimize" the time and psychic energy spent on search, subject to the need to satisfice on a toaster, is just a verbal difference. Mathematically, they are identical decision problems; as long as we hold constant the measure of costs and benefits, we end up at the same place. When academics refer to consumers' "true" preferences, I take it to mean the preference to which consumers give the greatest weight in a given decision; that is the sense in which I use the term here.

Furthermore, RCT is officially indifferent as to the content of consumer preferences and which preference (wealth; consumption; fairness; ideology; religious convictions; or time available to think, garden, or surf the web for porn) dominates any particular consumer choice. …

The rest of this article is only available to active members of Questia

Sign up now for a free, 1-day trial and receive full access to:

  • Questia's entire collection
  • Automatic bibliography creation
  • More helpful research tools like notes, citations, and highlights
  • Ad-free environment

Already a member? Log in now.

Notes for this article

Add a new note
If you are trying to select text to create highlights or citations, remember that you must now click or tap on the first word, and then click or tap on the last word.
One moment ...
Default project is now your active project.
Project items

Items saved from this article

This article has been saved
Highlights (0)
Some of your highlights are legacy items.

Highlights saved before July 30, 2012 will not be displayed on their respective source pages.

You can easily re-create the highlights by opening the book page or article, selecting the text, and clicking “Highlight.”

Citations (0)
Some of your citations are legacy items.

Any citation created before July 30, 2012 will labeled as a “Cited page.” New citations will be saved as cited passages, pages or articles.

We also added the ability to view new citations from your projects or the book or article where you created them.

Notes (0)
Bookmarks (0)

You have no saved items from this article

Project items include:
  • Saved book/article
  • Highlights
  • Quotes/citations
  • Notes
  • Bookmarks
Notes
Cite this article

Cited article

Style
Citations are available only to our active members.
Sign up now to cite pages or passages in MLA, APA and Chicago citation styles.

(Einhorn, 1992, p. 25)

(Einhorn 25)

1

1. Lois J. Einhorn, Abraham Lincoln, the Orator: Penetrating the Lincoln Legend (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1992), 25, http://www.questia.com/read/27419298.

Cited article

But Seriously, Folks, What Do People Want?
Settings

Settings

Typeface
Text size Smaller Larger Reset View mode
Search within

Search within this article

Look up

Look up a word

  • Dictionary
  • Thesaurus
Please submit a word or phrase above.
Print this page

Print this page

Why can't I print more than one page at a time?

Full screen

matching results for page

Cited passage

Style
Citations are available only to our active members.
Sign up now to cite pages or passages in MLA, APA and Chicago citation styles.

"Portraying himself as an honest, ordinary person helped Lincoln identify with his audiences." (Einhorn, 1992, p. 25).

"Portraying himself as an honest, ordinary person helped Lincoln identify with his audiences." (Einhorn 25)

"Portraying himself as an honest, ordinary person helped Lincoln identify with his audiences."1

1. Lois J. Einhorn, Abraham Lincoln, the Orator: Penetrating the Lincoln Legend (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1992), 25, http://www.questia.com/read/27419298.

Cited passage

Thanks for trying Questia!

Please continue trying out our research tools, but please note, full functionality is available only to our active members.

Your work will be lost once you leave this Web page.

For full access in an ad-free environment, sign up now for a FREE, 1-day trial.

Already a member? Log in now.