Helping Sudanese End Their Civil War

By John Prendergast. John Prendergast is a research associate research group focusing on issues of international social justice. He recently returned from a trip to Sudan. | The Christian Science Monitor, March 15, 1993 | Go to article overview

Helping Sudanese End Their Civil War


John Prendergast. John Prendergast is a research associate research group focusing on issues of international social justice. He recently returned from a trip to Sudan., The Christian Science Monitor


DURING the last few years, efforts have been made to publicize and prevent the use of food as a weapon of war. Unfortunately, the combatants in Sudan are a step ahead of the game. Outright racial, ethnic, and religious genocide have become the preferred tactics in an increasingly brutal power play.

Entire subcultures risk extinction in parts of southern Sudan. The denial or blocking of relief food is often only the last step in a descending staircase of terror, which includes forcible displacement, stripping assets, slavery, laying mines on agricultural lands, poisoning wells, and bombing market areas. For most southern Sudanese children who have never experienced peace, these degradations are perceived as normal facets of life.

Only a few years ago, 150,000 people lived in the town of Bor on the bank of the Nile River. Retaken by the government after fratricidal ethnic conflict, Bor is now a ghost town. There were once hundreds of thousands of cattle in Kongor; recent United Nations overflights reveal "not a single cow." At least eight towns were nearly depopulated by a government offensive last summer. In Ayod, 60,000 displaced people survived on wild foods during January, with malnutrition peaking at more than 40 percent.

None of the combatants are exempt from blame. The government regularly bombs civilians in southwestern Sudan. Besides bombing rebel-held towns, government forces continue to hold civilians hostage in the towns they control. In Juba, 300,000 displaced and local people are used as human shields for the garrison outpost against rebel attack, while fervent fundamentalists are free to carry out their Islamization and Arabization campaigns with impunity.

Factions of the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) regularly destroy or steal crops and raid cattle, exacerbating ethnic tension in the south. Both the SPLA and government have armed tribal-based militia that have wreaked havoc on certain groups because of their perceived political orientation. A group of prominent Southern Church leaders was recently moved to express its disapprobation in a letter to SPLA factions: "We have tasted liberation, but now the taste has turned sour as some of our liberators have become oppressors of our people."

Particular mention must be made of a transitional zone between north and south called the Nuba Mountains, an area the size of Scotland in which 1 million people reside. In a vicious campaign of ethnic cleansing unparalleled on the African continent, government army and militia forces rape women, burn villages, enslave children, and execute intellectuals in an effort to depopulate an area rich in minerals and agricultural potential. Thousands of Nuba people have been relocated to "peace villages," where they are used as cheap labor and subject to virulent Arabization and Islamization campaigns. Access to the Nuba Mountains and to the "peace villages" is completely denied to international organizations, although one Sudan Red Crescent survey team found malnutrition rates of 60 percent last summer.

The ill treatment of millions of Sudanese civilians expressly violates international law. The Geneva Conventions, ratified by 164 states, spell out clear rules that all victims of war have the right to protection from murder, torture, and starvation. Article Three of the Conventions forbids the use of weapons against civilians. Articles 55 and 56 of the UN Charter pledge states to a collective responsibility for the observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms. …

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