The Beethoven-Malfatti Connection Revisited
Beahrs, Virginia, The Beethoven Journal
"Elise" or "Therese"?
Ever since 1867, when Ludwig Nohl published his discovery of the autograph copy of Beethoven's fortepiano piece, WoO 59, with its tantalizing handwritten notation ("Für Elise am 27 April mit Erinnerung von L. V. Bthvn"; "For Elise on April 27 in remembrance from L. V. Bthvn"), devotees of the composer and his music have speculated on who this Elise might have been and the possible significance of the date.1
But was the recipient indeed someone named "Elise"? Or, as Max Unger postulated half a century ago, should the name properly be read "Therese," Therese closely resembling Elise in German script? If Therese is correct, the piece would conceivably have been intended for Therese Malfatti (1792-1851), since the autograph copy of "Für Elise" eventually turned up in Munich in the possession of her niece, one Fraulein Bredl, who had received it among papers passed on to her after the death of her aunt.2 Among recent critics, William Kinderman follows Unger's widely accepted reading. Barry Cooper, however, prefers the original "Elise," noting that often in German poetry, even in an occasional German . song, Elise is simply a term of endearment analogous to the English use of "Phyllis" for "nature." Thus Cooper reasons that "Beethoven may have used it to denote These Malfatti."3 Some critics even question the pertinence of arguments over the Elise/Therese distinction. Albrecht Reithmüller, for instance, quoting Shakespeare's Juliet, asks, "What's in a name? That which we call a rose / By any other name would smell as sweet."4 Such criticism aside, however, the inscription and Beethoven's plans in 1810 warrant a reexamination.
Largely on the strength of the autograph copy of "Für Elise" having been in Therese Malfatti's possession, the probability that Therese was intended remains most plausible. Other Elise's who might be convincing are conspicuously absent in the life story of Beethoven. Neither Elise Keyser nor Elise Müller was a fortepianist (both were singers). Elise Bürger appears as an object of disdain in a letter of 1809 from Beethoven to his friend Gleichenstein: "you might find , some girl at F[reiburg] ... who would perhaps now and then grant a sigh to my harmonies. But she must not be like Elise Bürger." Elise seeburg, the Brunswick's cousin, is another unlikely prospect.5 Beethoven did not know Elisabeth (Elise or Elisa) van der Recke, mistress of the poet Tiedge, until he joined their circle of literati at Teplitz in the summer of 1811. In a letter to Beethoven she enclosed, along with two Tiedge poems, some verses of her own - "poetic offerings of my soul" - hoping he might "find a few of my spiritual songs worthy of composition!, giving them] a value they do not yet have."6
For the purpose of this discussion, I am assuming that Beethoven did indeed present "Für Elise" to Therese Malfatti "in remembrance" as the autograph states - remembrance, I believe, not of the often perceived but unsubstantiated romance read into the relationship, but of heart warming intimacy with the entire family during many months of cherished association with the warm and welcoming Malfatti circle. Before turning to the details of the case, a brief summary of the history of Beethoven's relations to the Malfattis is in order.
Beethoven and the Malfattis
Although a story of a formal proposal of marriage from Beethoven to Therese was passed down from generation to generation, often embellished by the supposition that Beethoven was devastated by a refusal from Therese, no positive documentation exists to authenticate it. Apparently, the story was based on three considerations that are discussed below. Although each is an outgrowth of certain known "givens" stemming from actual experiences, hypothetical interpretation of these givens too often lacks a firm foundation in any verifiable fact.
First, an interview of Therese's niece with Beethoven biographer Thayer many years later which - though testifying to Beethoven's fondness for Therese and perceived hope to marry her - stops short of confirming an actual offer of marriage. In speculating that "Beethoven loved my aunt and wanted to marry her," Therese's niece would not go so far as to confirm categorically a formal proposal of marriage. She added the caveat that "her parents would never have given their consent." If, that is, the offer had been made. The indefiniteness of a marriage proposal is strongly suggested by the use of the subjunctive "would" in Fraulein Bredl's reported reply, indicating the uncertainty of any proposal.7
Second, internal evidence of the well-known letter of May 2, 1810 from Beethoven to Franz Wegeler requesting Beethoven's birth certificate (apparently written with the hope of marriage in mind) does nothing to support the common conjecture that he was thinking specifically of Therese Malfatti.8 That Beethoven's request to Wegeler was connected with Beethoven's "marriage-game" (Heirats-Partie) is known from a considerably later letter to Wegeler from Stephan von Breuning: "I believe his marriage project has fallen through, and for this reason he no longer feels the lively desire to thank you for your trouble in getting him the baptismal certificate."9 Nonetheless, there seems no valid reason to relate the quest to Therese Malfatti, even though the relationship has been assumed by so many writers over the years that it appears to be an established fact. If, as I believe, Beethoven did give "Für Elise" to Therese as a farewell gift, the April 27 inscription "in remembrance" would place it five days before his pursuit of his birth certificate in May.
One of the major problems with dating the end of Beethoven's relationship with the Malfattis is the fact that none of the relevant correspondence, aside from the letter to Wegeler, contains notations indicating in which year(s) the letters were written. Barry Cooper suggests that "Für Elise" was sketched in 1808, although he concedes the possibility of the more generally accepted date of 1810.10 Hans Schmidt has indicated that unfortunately no watermark is identifiable to aid in dating Beethoven's only known letter to Therese (now in a private Swiss collection). Sieghard Brandenburg dates the letter as toward the end of May 1810."
If Beethoven's intimacy with the Malfatti family did continue into the year 1810, there may perhaps have been some connection between thoughts of possible marriage to Therese and news of the remarriage on February 13 of that year of Countess Josephine von Brunswick. Beethoven had felt passionately about the Countess some years earlier. Ernst Pichler notes in his German biography of Beethoven, "No sooner had he received news of Josephine's new bond than he turned to Therese Malfatti." Although this connection is rarely made, both Harry Goldschmidt and Marie-Elisabeth Tellenbach came to the same conclusion many years ago, reasoning that Beethoven continued to dream of eventual marriage to Josephine, despite the legal inhibitions placed on the young Countess (who maintained official custody of her children).12
However this may be, Josephine's remarriage was presumably the impetus for Beethoven's desire to secure his birth certificate. It seems that he was yearning for the comfort and support of a congenial marriage partner and the "home life" ("Hausligkeit") mentioned in a journal entry from 1813. His pleading letter to Wegeler with its heart-rending expression of dejected spirits - Denis Matthews notes that it contains feelings of despair and isolation - does not read like that of a hopeful suitor with a particular loved one in mind.13 Support for this theory may be read in J.W.N. Sullivan's statement that "It seems to have been the married state that Beethoven craved rather than union with some unique and irreplaceable woman"; it appears that Beethoven "wished to 'settle down,' to have order in his domestic affairs, and to satisfy his craving for companionship. ... A wife to a man of Beethoven's nature was absolutely essential to this full human life. The more so, in his case, since his increasing deafness still threatened him at times with a terrible isolation."14
Third, neither of the two anguished letters from the composer to Ignaz Gleichenstein (that I read as agonizing over banishment from the Malfatti house for some unstated reason) contains sound evidence to validate an often projected proposal of marriage to Therese through the good offices of their friend, even though this is a popular though wholly unsubstantiated conjecture.15
That Beethoven's welcome at the Malfatti house, a welcome that apparently extended over many months, was a heartwarming blessing for a man longing for a family identity is evident from the hearty appreciation Beethoven expressed to his friend Baron Ignaz von Gleichenstein (1778-1828) for the introduction. "I feel so happy with them all," Beethoven wrote in one of his undated letters, "as though they might heal the wounds inflicted on my soul by wicked people. Thank you, kind G., for taking me there." In another he wrote "Greet all who are dear to you and to me. How gladly I would add, to whom we are dear???? (wem wir lieb sind???).16 The question mark applies to me at least."17 One day he would feel sufficiently home at the Malfatti house to boast to Gleichenstein (who was engaged to Anna, Therese's sister) of the attentions of their dog: "You are wrong if you think you are the only one Gigons follows. I too have the pleasure of having him not leave my side. He has eaten beside me in the evening and even accompanied me home in short provided me with very good entertainment."
There are indications that the nearly forty-year-old composer was taking steps to spruce up his wardrobe and help young Therese - only fourteen or fifteen at the beginning of their relationship with her keyboard skills. In the above undated letter thanking Gleichenstein for his introduction to the Malfatti family, Beethoven asked his friend, "Please give this s. to Therese, since I cannot see her today." That this unnamed sonata, like other unidentified pieces given the girl, would be easy to play is suggested by a later letter's assurance to her that she would "not have to complain too much about the difficulties" in another number he intended to send her.
Given the fact that their friendship was apparently still at an early stage, I am not inclined to think that the unknown sonata was the often supposed "Sonate facile ou Sonatine"; some other simple piece seems more likely. Furthermore, Opus 79 was not composed until early in 1810 and was not published until the fall of that year.18
If Beethoven did give some thought to drifting into marriage with lovely young Therese Malfatti, it would have been, I suspect, in the hope of perpetuating this intimate family connection. A pencil drawing that turned up eventually in a Malfatti family album depicted his happy participation in a musical evening. That Beethoven is "almost smiling" in the sketch prompts Alessandra Comini to suggest reasonably that this "may reflect the contentment he felt at being included in such a warm and cultured family circle."19
Although, as George Marek notes, "we have no clear picture, nor any inkling of how Therese felt about Beethoven" or, as Maynard Solomon writes, "the slightest indication that [she] was drawn to him," their relationship appears to have been comfortable and compatible.20 But the idyll could not last. For whatever hope, vague or otherwise, Beethoven may have had of some day marrying this lovely girl would be shattered by certain disastrous news relayed to Beethoven one day by Gleichenstein: Beethoven had been banned from the cherished Malfatti circle!
"Forget that Madness!"
That some senseless foolishness had transpired is implied by Beethoven's urging Therese later to "forget that madness" ("das Tolle").21 Crushed and baffled by the impasse, he poured out his hurt and confusion in an agitated letter to Gleichenstein in response to his friend's report that he was no longer welcome at the Malfattis. "This," he wrote, "has plunged me again from the regions of highest rapture into the depths. Why add that you would let me know when there would be music again? Am I nothing more than a musicus to the others? That is how it seems now. So I can seek support only in my own heart - there is none outside it. No, nothing but wounds have come to me from friendship and kindred feelings. So be it then. For you poor B there is no happiness in the outside world - you must create it in yourself ..."22
What indiscretion could possibly have occurred, he wondered, to result in this cruel ostracism that so hurt and confounded him. "I beg you to set my mind at rest as to whether I was guilty of some blunder yesterday. If you can not do that, tell me the truth. ... There is time for it to be of use to me."
Coupled, it appears, with this distraught letter is another that seems from the context to have been written no later than the following day, although there is considerable variation in interpretation of its date.23 Although many critics have tended to interpret this agitated letter as occasioned by the rejection of a proposal of marriage to Therese through their friend's intercession, careful examination of the issue greatly weakens the validity of this assessment.
In my reading, Beethoven, still obsessed with anxiety over whatever stupidity had disrupted so idyllic a relationship, begged Gleichenstein to help him make amends. His request for Gleichenstein to "think and act for me" is much less likely referring to some hypothetical proposal of marriage than to a frantic effort to repair the rift with this dear family. Perhaps they could go together to see them. Beethoven wrote, "You are sailing on a calm and peaceful sea, or may already be in a safe harbor. You do not feel the distress of a friend who is still in the storm. ... My pride is so humbled I would go there with you uninvited. .. If you were only more frank with me. Wanting to spare me, you are surely concealing something disastrous and this uncertainty is more painful than the most upsetting certainty - Think and act for me - I cannot entrust to paper more of what is going on inside me."24
But there would be no visit, uninvited or otherwise. And apparently no further contact with the family before their departure for the country.
Beethoven's Letter to Therese
Deprived of the prized togetherness that had made his association with the Malfattis so meaningful, Beethoven sent "honored Therese" his one known letter to her pleading for restoration of the lost - friendship. "Since you are all gone from here," he wrote, "there is a void for me that cannot be filled, even by my art which has always been so faithful." From his frank admission that it was all of them he missed, this sentiment seems to reflect less love for the girl than the hope of regaining his former intimacy with her , family.25 Certainly there is no intimation of high romance in the letter's tone or wording.
Instead, Beethoven writes that they were fortunate to leave so early for the country, "where woods, trees, and rocks send back the echo that man desires." He himself could not leave until "the 8th" - of which month is not known. Ambiguity concerning this still complicates dating as recently as the 1996 collected German edition of Beethoven's letters. My reading of the letter to Therese as a still-wishful poignant attempt to perpetuate the waning Malfatti intimacy suggests that it was written before Beethoven's parting gift of "Für Elise" on April 27, hence looking toward departure on May 8.26
Since Therese would soon have much leisure time for reading, Beethoven - wondered in his letter if she would like him to send her a copy of Goethe's Wilhelm Meister or a Shakespeare play in Schlegel's translation. Enclosing a promised (but not identified) piece of music, he indicated that "except for the weightiest difficulties [Triftigsten Hindernißel," he would have sent more "to show that I always do more for my friends than I promise." Was the difficulty possibly finding a piece sufficiently easy for the girl to play? Or simply the complications of coping in a life that was never easy?
Would Therese, Beethoven inquired, be able to detect the differences between "the theme I invented one evening and the way I finally wrote it down for you? Figure it out for yourself but don't take hot punch to help." Whether or not this mention of punch is connected in some way with whatever indiscretion had occurred at the Malfatti house is still debated. Nor do we know what piece of music Beethoven enclosed, the theme of which Beethoven had improvised at a Malfatti evening - a consideration that appears to eliminate the Sonatina, Opus 79, since the theme of its first movement had appeared many years earlier in the Knightly Ballet as the "German Song," WoO '1 no. 2."
Noting that the fortepiano he had chosen for her family would be arriving soon, Beethoven urged Therese not to neglect the instrument for which she had so much talent.28 Hopefully, she would have time to think of him, although it would "place too much value" upon himself if he were to quote a passage from Goethe's Egmont ("People are united not only when together, even the distant one, the absent one is with us.") For who, he asked, "would ascribe something like this to the flighty T. [leicht behandelnden T.] who handles all life so frivolously?" So light-hearted a girl as Therese Malfatti could hardly be expected to understand the metaphysical implications of Goethe's phrase that to Philip Barford seems to express "at the very least a community of consciousness in a universal mind transcending the limits of time and space."29
The closing paragraph of Beethoven's four-page letter to Therese, so far from appearing to reflect romantic love, seems more an earnest expression of heartfelt yearning to renew the friendship of a cherished family. "By chance," he wrote, "I have an acquaintance in your neighborhood - perhaps you will see me at your house early some morning for a half hour and then I'll be off. You see I want to bore you as little as possible. Commend me to the goodwill of your father, your mother - although I still can make no rightful claim to it [presumably because of the troubling crisis threatening the relationship]. - also to your sister N. Good-bye honored T. I wish you all that is good and beautiful in life. Remember me with pleasure - forget that madness. Be assured that nobody can wish you a more joyous and happy life than I even if you take no interest in Your devoted servant and friend Beethowen [sic]." A postscript indicated that it would be good of Therese to write a few lines suggesting anything he could do for her in Vienna.
When nothing seems to have come of this request within the next few days - or of Beethoven's readiness to share some worthwhile reading or drop in one morning for half an hour or sohe would lose hope of restoring the lost friendship. All because, it seems, of some thoughtless behavior one evening that had ostracized him from the Malfatti circle and brought that felicitous association to an abrupt end.
From this moving letter, it appears that the girl's family, not Beethoven himself, was responsible for ending the relationship - a reading counter to certain still persisting though unproved assertions that, following a rejected proposal, "the composer broke off all relations."30 A highly prized association that had brought much cheer into Beethoven's life was over and it hurt. There was nothing to do now but send Therese the promised simple fortepiano piece, presumably "Für Elise," "in remembrance" of the many happy hours of shared camaraderie.
Whatever the true nature of Beethoven's affection for Therese Malfatti which, like so many episodes in his life story must rest largely on hearsay and speculation - the certainty remains that she and her family supplied a valuable interlude in the life of one craving the intimacy of family identity. And as the likely recipient of "Für Elise" in parting, this would be "in remembrance" of a deeply meaningful association that for so long had lifted his spirits and warmed his heart.
"I feel so happy with them all, " Beethoven wrote, "as though they might heal the wounds inflicted on my soul by wicked people. Thank you, kind Gleichenstein, for taking me there."
"I wish you all that is good and beautiful in life. Remember me with pleasure -forget that madness. Be assured that nobody can wish you a more joyous and happy life than I even if you take no interest in Your devoted servant and friend Beethowen"
1 Ludwig Nohl, Briefe Beethovens (Stuttgart: J.G. Cotta, 1867), 28ff.
2 Max Unger, "Beethoven und Therese Malfatti," Musical Quarterly 11 (1925): 63-72. Concerning the niece, see Georg Kinsky, Das Werke Beethovens (Munich: Henle, 1955), 505-06; see also Thayer's Life of Beethoven, ed. Elliot Forbes (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1967), 491 (henceforth Thayer-Forbes).
3 William Kinderman, Beethoven (Berkeley, California: Univ. of California Press, 1995), 46; Barry Cooper, Beethoven and the Creative Process (Oxford, England: Clarendon Press, 1990), 266, note 18.
4 Albert Reithmüller, Beethoven: Interpretationen seiner Werke, ed. Riethmüller, Carl Dahlhaus, and Alexander Ringer (Laaber: Laaber-Verlag, 1994), 440.
5 On Elise Burger, see Beethoven's letter to Ignaz Gleichenstein in The Letters of Beethoven, ed. Emily Anderson (New York: St. Martin's, 1961), Anderson no. 202; Ludwig van Beethoven /Briefwechsel Gesamtausgabe, ed. Sieghard Brandenburg (Munich: Henle, 1996), Brandenburg no. 392. On Elise Seeburg, see Harry Goldschmidt, Um die unsterbliche Geliebte (Leipzig: Deutscher Verlag für Musik, 1977), 173-74.
6 Letters to Beethoven and Other Correspondence, ed. Theodore Albrecht, 3 vols. (Lincoln, Nebraska: Univ. of Nebraska Press, 1996), vol. l (1772-1812). Abbreviation of van der Recke's name is clearly Elisa in the autograph, not the more familiar Elise.
7 Thayer-Forbes, 491.
8 See Anderson no. 256; Brandenburg no. 439.
9 Thayer-Forbes, 490.
10 Barry Cooper, "Beethoven's Revisions of Für Elise," Musical Times 125 (1984): 661-63. Cooper observes here and in his later Beethoven: Three Bagatelles (London: Novello, 1991), that the composer revised this number over a decade later with the apparent intent of "improving" it for an 1822 collection of bagatelles.
11 Personal communication from Hans Schmidt citing watermark research detailed in Joseph Schmidt-Görg, "Wasserzeichen in Beethoven-Briefen," Beethoven-Jahrbuch 5 (1961/64; published 1966): 7-74.
12 Ernst Pichler, Beethoven: Mythos und Wirklichkeit (Vienna: Amalthea, 1994), 266-67; Goldschmidt, 174-74; Marie-Elisabeth Tellenbach, Beethoven und seine "unsterbliche Geliebte"Josephine Brunswick (Zurich: Atlantis, 1983), 100. Beethoven's ardor for Josephine has been known for many years from Brunswick family correspondence (Thayer-Forbes 358-59; 377) and a series of impassioned letters from him to her published by Joseph Schmidt-Görg, Dreizehn unbekannte Briefe an Josephine Gräfin Deym geb. v. Brunswick (Bonn: Beethoven-Haus, 1957). Selected letters appear in George Marek, Beethoven: Biography of a Genius (New York: Funk and Wagnalls, 1969), 240-56.
13 Denis Matthews, Beethoven (London: Dent, 1985), 46. For the most recent translation of the journal, see Maynard Solomon, ed., "Beethoven's Tagebuch," Beethoven Essays (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard Univ. Press, 1988), entry no. 3, p. 247.
14 J.W.N. Sullivan, Beethoven: His Spiritual Development (New York: Vintage, I960 [19271), 114-15.
15 Anderson no. 254 / Brandenburg no. 445; Anderson no. 265 / Brandenburg no. 444.
16 Brandenburg suggests that Beethoven "probably" was referring to the two sisters, Therese and Anna. See his Ludwig van Beethoven /Briefwechsel Gesamtausgabe, 2: 113, note 4. In my interpretation Beethoven was referring to the entire family, Beethoven's place not yet assured.
17 Anderson no. 253 (translation amended) / Brandenburg no. 436; Anderson no. 252 (translation amended) / Brandenburg no. 432; see Thayer-Forbes, 486.
18 In his edition of the sonatas and selected other works, Sigmund Lebert lists simple fortepiano pieces by Beethoven in order of increasing difficulty: Sonata, Opus 49, no. 2; Sonata, Opus 49, no. 1; Variations on "NeI cor più non mi sento," WoO 70; Variations on a Swiss Song, WoO 64; "Leichte Variationen," WoO 77; Rondo, Opus 51, no. 1; Sonatina, Opus 79; Sonatas, Opus 14, nos. 1-2; Sonata, Opus 2, no. 1; and the Rondo, Opus 51, no. 2. See his Sonaten und andere Werke für das Pianoforte (Stuttgart: J.G. Cotta, 1871; reprinted, among others, Schirmer, 1923). Harry Goldschmidt proposed that Opus 79 might have been written for Vicki Deym, daughter of Josephine and a pupil of Marie Bigot, reasoning that since it was composed and published without dedication in 1810 along with Opus 77 dedicated to Josephine's brother Franz and Opus 78 for her sister Therese, that it might be a blind dedication to her (since she was notoriously reluctant to be openly honored). See his "Beethoven in neuen Brunsvik-Briefen," Beethoven-Jahrbuch 9 (1973/77; published 1977): 141-42.
19 Alessandra Comini, The Changing Image of Beethoven: A Study in Mythmaking (New York: Rizzoli, 1987), 52. Sieghard Brandenburg has also written of the Malfatti family circle in his Der Freundes Kreis der Familie Malfatti in Wien /gezeichnet von Ludwig Ferdinand Schnorr von Carolsfeld (Bonn: Beethoven-Haus, 1985). Robbins Landon includes the sketch of Beethoven with a caption suggesting 1808 or 1809 as the date in his Beethoven: A Documentary / Study (London: Thames & Hudson, 1970), plate 147. The plate is omitted in the 1992 revision.
20 Marek, 284; Solomon, Beethoven (New York: Schirmer, 1977), 155.
21 Anderson no. 258 (translation amended) / Brandenburg no. 442.
22 Anderson no. 254 (translation amended) / Brandenburg no. 445.
23 Anderson no. 265 / Brandenburg no. 444.
24 Anderson no. 265 (translation amended) / Brandenburg no. 444.
25 References to Beethoven's devotion to the entire family include Anderson nos. 252, 253, 254 / Brandenburg nos. 432, 436, 445.
26 Brandenburg leans towards a date of June 8 ("perhaps Beethoven meant June 8") because Beethoven probably had to remain in Vienna as part of the preparations for the premiere of Egmont. He views a May 8 date as unlikely because the Egmont premiere did not take place until May 24, 1810 (this premiere without Beethoven's music - Egmont with Beethoven's music was apparently first given on June 15). See Ludwig van Beethoven / Briefwechsel Gesamtausgabe, 2: 123, note 1.
27 Kinderman, 136; Hans Schmidt, "Beethoven's Piano Music," Ludwig van Beethoven, ed. Joseph Schmidt-Görg (Hamburg: Deutsche Grammophon Gesellschaft, 1972), 174. In her edition of Beethoven's letters (vol. 1: 272, note 2), Anderson indicates that the enclosed song was probably not, as previously thought, Clärchen's song from Egmont. Her alternative suggestion of "Für Elise" is a familiar one, although it was more likely the promised piece yet to come in which she would not find "too much difficulty."
28 Beethoven's letter to Gleichenstein referring to this purchase of a fortepiano appears in Anderson as letter no. 255, although it was more likely written before the agitated letter no. 254 that indicates serious trouble at the Malfatti house. Brandenburg places Anderson no. 255 as his letter no. 441 and Anderson no. 254 as his 445. The fortepiano chosen for Therese's family was an instrument by Johann Schanz that, according to Derek Melville, had a softer, sweeter tone than Beethoven preferred for himself (see his "Beethoven's Pianos" in The Beethoven Reader, ed. Denis Arnold and Nigel Fortune (New York: Norton, 1971), 58-59).
29 Philip Barfold, "Beethoven as Man and Artist," The Beethoven Reader, 33.
30 See, for example, Robbins Landon, Beethoven: His Life, Work, and World (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1992), 158.
Virginia Beahrs. a resident of Palo Alto, California, specializes in historical subjects and musical biography with particular emphasis upon research into the life of Beethoven. In her most recent article in The Music Review, she examines the identity of Beethoven's enigmatic "A."…
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Publication information: Article title: The Beethoven-Malfatti Connection Revisited. Contributors: Beahrs, Virginia - Author. Journal title: The Beethoven Journal. Volume: 13. Issue: 1 Publication date: Summer 1998. Page number: 12+. © San Jose State University & The Trustees of the California State University Summer 2007. Provided by ProQuest LLC. All Rights Reserved.
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