The Sexual Health of Gay Men in the Post-AIDS Era: Feminist, Post-Structuralist and Queer Theory Perspectives
Numer, Matthew S., Gahagan, Jacqueline, International Journal of Men's Health
This article discusses feminist, post-structuralist and queer theories as a framework for masculinities research on sexual health promotion efforts targeting gay men, particularly in relation to HIV prevention. The theories discussed have the potential to challenge the social categories associated with gender, sex, sexual identity and sexual orientation which often determine identities and subjectivities. Recognizing masculinity as a gender "performance" rather than a fixed identity enables health researchers to more fully investigate gendered sexual behaviors which are imbued with social, political and economic meaning. A combined feminist, post-structuralist and queer theoretical framework provides a way to understand how concepts of masculinity organize social interactions and how these in turn shape and inform the sexual health behaviors of men. The purpose of this article is to offer an approach for use by gay men's health researchers working on health promotion.
Keywords: masculinities, gay men, men's health, feminist theory, post-structuralist theory, queer theory, HIV/AIDS
Things are seldom what they seem, skim milk masquerades as cream.
Highlows pass as patent leathers; Jackdaws stmt in peacock's feathers.
- W. S. Gilbert, HMS Pinafore (II, xiv)
In a postmodern world, "where things are seldom what they seem" (Gilbert, 1879), sex, sexual orientation and gender have been the focus of analysis by theorists and researchers alike. Specifically, gender has been conceptualized as an organizing and mediating factor of everyday life and has been increasingly cited as a key driver in the spread of HIV/AIDS (Gupta, 2001; Lather, 1991; Mane & Aggleton, 2001; Messner, 1998; Weiss & Gupta, 1998). Some masculinities research was born of a feminist paradigm that disrupted essentialist definitions of gender within the category women and femininity (Gilligan, 1982; D. E. Smith, 1987). Subsequently, the category men and masculinities was examined (Connell, 1993, 1995). Feminist post-structuralist theory then revealed the production and constitution of and resistance to power relations visible in a patriarchal society (Weedon, 1987). More recently, framed by post-structuralist thought and driven by a need for more sophisticated analysis of gay and lesbian studies, queer theory has moved beyond binary representations of sexual orientation (gay/straight) to deconstructing compulsory heterosexuality1 and displacing the notion of the "other."2
The purpose of this discussion is to illustrate how these theories make possible an analysis of gay identity and demonstrate that, devoid of such theoretical work, health promotion research and practice can unwittingly harm the populations it serves. It will raise key arguments from each theory that are useful for informing future health promotion efforts aimed at HIV prevention among gay men.
Health promotion broadly defined is "the process of enabling people to increase control over, and to improve, their health" (WHO, 1986, p. 1). How these processes work remains unclear, but the rates of HIV infection among gay men suggests the need for a better way to examine the processes by those in the field of sexual health promotion.
Feminist, post-structuralist and queer theories "deconstruct" power relations by dismantling the norm and promote a politics of change. The theories enable health promotion researchers to take an innovative approach to masculinities research and, more specifically, to sexual identities and health practices in relation to HI V/ AIDS. It is crucial for sexual health promotion efforts targeting gay men to take into consideration the intersections of sex, sexual practice/orientation and gender. The theoretical frameworks examined are capable of challenging the dominant social structures within Western cultures by questioning the construction of the subject3 as "performatively" constituted in a specific time and place (Butler, 2004). The theories framing this discussion of gay men's health, masculinities and the response of healthcare to the HIV/ AIDS epidemic challenge taken-for-granted beliefs about what it means to be a man, to be gay, and to perform gendered acts within sexual relationships, in particular how such meanings are crucial to sexual health promotion and HIV prevention efforts.
In the same way that gender is seen as a mediating factor of everyday life, health practices including HIV prevention are gendered; that is, health behaviours have a gendered perspective and gender is a key determinant of health outcomes (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2008). As gay men are gendered subjects, so too are their health practices, which implicates their expressions of masculinity in relation to their health. Connell (1992) points out that while masculinities exist in many forms across cultures, races, classes and so on, "research need not reduce the sociology of masculinity to a postmodern kaleidoscope of lifestyles" (p. 736). Instead, hegemonic masculinity and the relationship between heterosexual and homosexual masculinities exist in a social order which in turn is structured by relations of power. Connell (1992) shows the tandem emergence of homophobia and heterosexual masculinity. This is paramount to pinpointing both the relational constitution of hegemonic masculinity and situating gay men in the hierarchy of masculinities. The practices which prop up men's positions of power are characterized by dominance, stoicism, and aggression. These character traits, when translated into health practices are linked to avoidance of health- seeking behaviours, endurance of pain, and high levels of risk-taking behaviours (Courtenay, 2000a, 2000b). Recent work in the field of men's health and masculinities point to practices of hegemonic masculinity as linked to health risks (Addis & Mahalik, 2003; Courtenay, 2003; Riska, 2002). However, specific work regarding gay men and masculinities in relation to sexual health practices is less well understood. Research has linked some sexual practices of gay men to hegemonic masculinity as demonstrating a rejection of conventional health practices, which are often ill-equipped to account for the complexities of the sexual identity and practices of gay men (Dowsett, 2003; Green, 2007; Numer, in press; Patton, 1988; Rofes, 2002).
The discussion of feminist, post-structuralist and queer theories will provide a framework which is critical to understanding the tensions between gay male sexual identity and safer sex practices as operationalized within mainstream health promotion. It can be argued that this oppositional relationship is exemplified by any number of health disparities that gay men experience (Flaskerud & Winslow, 1998; Peterkin & Risdon, 2003), but a particularly poignant example is the prevalence of "barebacking" (Adam, 2005; Crossley, 2002; Halkitis, Parsons, & Wilton, 2003; Yep, Lovaas, & Pagonis, 2002). Barebacking (unprotected anal intercourse) is a sexual act that may indicate a sexual identity ("barebacker") which may or may not be informed by knowing the serostatus of the sexual partner (Adam, 2005; Numer, 2008; Yep et al., 2002). This sexual category raises important questions which are left unanswered in much of the public health literature, including mainstream HIV prevention programming, health promotion research and practice. Why, after nearly three decades of research, policymaking, programming and education efforts aimed at the reduction of HIV transmission among gay men, are health promotion efforts are still often unable to effectively address some gay men's complex HIV prevention needs (Adam, 2005; Elford & Hart, 2003; Hogg et al., 2001; Holmes & Warner, 2005; Koblin et al., 2003; Rowe, 2008; Strathdee et al., 1998; Strathdee et al., 2000)? What follows is a discussion of how feminist, post-structuralist and queer theories can provide insights into the social order of masculinity and how these constructs influence the everyday /everynight behaviours of gay men in relation to HIV prevention.
Feminist theorists seek changes that promote equity in society, foremost for women, but ultimately for everyone (Weedon, 1987). Thus, research is inherently feminist "when matters of femaleness and maleness and the differences and dominations between and within them are made a central feature of analysis, and, secondly, when analysis implies a challenge of some sort to any inequitable relationships of power which involve gender or sexuality" (Kenway, Willis, Blackmore, & Rennie, 1994, p. 190). Feminist theories emerged in the twentieth century as a means to counteract traditional Western patriarchal society, which sought to subjugate women (Featherstone, 2005). Resisting the dominant powers that oppress women is a central theme underpinning of such theories. In addition to gender, most feminist theories attempt to take into account issues of difference such as race, class, culture, sexual orientation, ability and disability, and age, and how these and other forms of oppression may intersect (Featherstone, 2005).
It is critical to include feminist paradigms in masculinities research since they render the investigation capable of looking at sex and gender from a variety of standpoints, including the political and economic. Feminist enquiries into masculinities research is a process by means of which the embodied positions of women and men in patriarchy are uncovered (Clatterbaugh, 1997). Without such enquiries, the often taken-for-granted socially sanctioned roles of men and women are taken as givens, along with the social meanings they produce and reinforce. The gender distinctions are found within power relations that influence the everyday lives of women and men in the sexual division of labour, social norms, and the social organization of procreation (Weedon, 1987). The gendered nature of medicine as a discipline regulated women's sexual and reproductive behaviour has been recognized as a patriarchal institution associated with male norms and masculinity. Prior to the feminist movement, medicine established men as the default sex and women as the secondary sex, thus promulgating inequalities and ultimately health disparities between men and women such as those found in the HIV/AIDS prevention movement (Birke, 1999; Patton, 1988). Recognizing these historical conditions in a gender-based analysis of health research is critical to understanding the notion of masculinity and avoiding further oppression of women. Longino (1987) points out:
The accretion of such interventions, of science done by feminists as feminists, and by members of other disenfranchised groups, has the potential, nevertheless, ultimately to transform the character of scientific discourse, (p. 251)
Davies (2003) sees gender an action that is performed or "done" in relational contexts as a means of exerting power over subjects. Feminist theories focus on the body "doing gender," including dominating others, as it is enacted through the body, but also upon and within the body (D. E. Smith, 1987).
In tandem with most post-structuralist theorizing regarding the body, feminist theories explore the complexity of both sex and gender in relation to the body and the disciplinary tactics imposed upon gender nonconformists. Zita (1998) demonstrates the complexity of the body in gendered social relations even within the feminist camps. She incorporates the longstanding tradition of "the personal is political" in her discussion of outward resistance to traditional beliefs about "femininity." However, she shifts from seeing femininity only as a singular point of resistance to identifying the problems of femininity which include "both pleasure and danger in whatever gendered skins we assume" (Zita, 1998, p. 117). These problems can be valuable lessons for masculinities researchers since much feminist work can guide improving gendered relations between men and women and between men and men.
In recent health literature, the medical model has identified practices of masculinity as a potential health risk (Addis & Mahalik, 2003; Courtenay, 2003; Riska, 2002) which in turn can have the consequence of pafhologizing masculinity and risk-taking behaviour itself (Rosenfeld & Faircloth, 2006). Male risk-taking may not necessarily be inevitable manifestations of masculinity and this may provide a clearer understanding of the influence of gender on men's health decision-making (Courtenay, 2000a). In the case of HIV, these issues become further magnified in a sociopolitical landscape that affords particular interventions differentially to males and females under the guise of gender-blind scientific neutrality (Dowsett, 2003; Rosengarten, 2004).
As a critical response to structuralist theories, post-structuralism disrupted seemingly stable categories such as male and female, power and dominance, rational and emotional (Lye, 1996). In its broadest sense, post-structuralism can be described as the study of how knowledge and systems of knowledge are produced and reproduced (Doering, 1992). Post-structuralism also rejects foundationalist ways of thinking, which limit the production of knowledge to a single source or suggest that there is an essence or being that is familiar to all people and can be readily identified ("the feminine" and "the truth" are two examples) (Lye, 1996). As an alternative, for post-structuralists, meaning and subjectivity are negotiated through language and scripted within a cultural, social, political and historical context. Language, as the source of all meaning, is constituted within a particular culture and society which are invariably influenced by historical circumstances. Scott (1991) suggests that subjects do not simply act on their own; rather, they are constituted by language. In other words, subjects are formed within the available way of speaking (discourse) of a specific place and time. A discourse creates a linguistic space in which social categories are constructed and individual identities are negotiated. This suggests that subjects perform social scripts in various contexts through the agencies they internalize (Numer, 2008). The individual in post-structuralist theory is termed a subjectivity. The concept of subjectivity posits "that individual thoughts and actions are shaped by and reflect social power relations" (Doering, 1992, p. 25).
This description of the subject is an important element in investigating the sexual practices of gay men. Health promotion strategies have largely ignored the barebacking phenomenon because it seems to fall outside the reach of conventional health education efforts and, in point of fact, it does (Crossley, 2002). Education itself is not at issue. Most gay men in Western societies are aware of the potential risks involved in unprotected anal intercourse and education efforts often rely on an underlying fear of death and illness (Westhaver, 2005). However, sexual health promotion messages can be seen to contradict the sexual liberation gay men experienced prior to the HI V/ AID S epidemic as well as the dominant masculine code of conduct which promotes sexual risk-taking behaviour. This suggests that gay men are both autonomous individuals making decisions regarding the use of condoms as well as subjects caught between two contradictory ways of talking about them that are embedded in the broader sociocultural, political and economic sexual health promotion rhetoric.
Post-structuralist theory recognizes that power is not a single entity enacted by one individual or institution upon another; rather, when deconstructed, power is in effect relationally all the time. Foucault (1977) argues:
This power is not exercised simply as an obligation or a prohibition on those who 'do not have it'; it invests them, is transmitted by them and through them; it exerts pressure upon them, just as they themselves struggle against it, resist the grip it has on them. (p. 260)
Doering (1992) notes that power relations serve as both repressive and productive elements, since power and knowledge are often produced in resistance and response to social pressures. In the HIV-prevention field, gay men were an integral part of the of "safer sex" health promotion campaigns (Dowsett, Bollen, Mclnnes, Couch, & Edwards, 2001). However, responses ranged from a willingness to go along with mainstream health promotion rhetoric, to a subculture of resistance that included, for example, barebacking as a practice and an identity. In this way, a Foucauldian perspective on post-structuralist theory allows the notion of power to be moved from an external locus of control to centres in the male's body.
Deconstruction refers to Derrida's (1978) post-structuralist idea about the multiple layers of meaning in language that are ever-shifting and being reproduced, and which when investigated show the instability of categories. From a deconstructionist viewpoint, power and domination can always be seen in relation to the body. Foucault (1977) asserts that "it is always the body that is at issue - the body and its forces, their utility and their docility, their distribution and their submission" (p. 259). Thus, the body is required to submit to the social scripts of sex and gender which regulate and reinforce the behaviours of subjects in society. This can be understood as subjectivity's inter-relation with the body.
The body is of particular interest to sexual health research involving gay men since it is the site of power, protest, liberation and punishment in men. Shifting the analysis of sexual practices from individual acts to socially- scripted gendered performances in apolitical and historical landscape leads to a more in-depth understanding of the complexities of the sexual health practices of gay men (Butler, 1990). Adding to this complexity is the recognition that socially-scripted sexual practices are also gender performances, and therefore the body becomes the tablet upon which texts are written and rewritten as a means of both control and liberation (Derrida, 1978). At times, gay men's sexual health practices can be understood as practices of hegemonic masculinity and a resistance to dominant health promotion practices that promotes normative "safer" sexual health practices.
From a queer perspective, nothing is natural, nothing is normal (Weedon, 1999, p. 73).
Framed by the politics and ideals of feminist and post-structuralist theories, queer theory disrupts the idea of normality of hegemonic genders and sexual acts and identities in modern society (Jagose, 1996). Originating from gay and lesbian studies, queer theory unsettles normative masculinity and femininity and challenges compulsory heterosexuality. Queer theory queers what was once thought to be normal with the hope of dismantling "otherness" (Jagose; Sedgwick, 1985). Queer theory evolved from a number of theories in response to certain events and by certain activists (Jagose & Genschel). The language of queer theory is strongly associated with post-structuralist and feminist theories; however, queer theory explores uncharted territory. The strength of queer theory lies in the deconstructing and destabilizing of the subjective self and social categories (Green, 2007). From a social constructivist position, the identity of an individual can be seen as constituted in a complex web of social relations at a particular place and time based upon the current conception of a categorical identity such as racial affiliation or sexual orientation. Green (2007) suggests:
Whereas pragmatism and symbolic interactionism focus on the processes and techniques whereby individuals attempt to "shore up" the gap between doing (I act like a woman) and the identity toward which that doing is directed (I am a woman), queer theory focuses on the performative failure- that is, the inability of the individual to fully realize the concept and lay claim to ontological status, (p. 33)
This notion is particularly relevant for masculinities research. Connell (1995) has identified masculinity as fluid and contextual, thus rendering the subject incapable of holding a sustained position at the top of the hierarchy of masculinities. The subject is constituted through performances in relation to a norm that is based on the dominant ideology (Butler, 2004). Here queer theory departs from the ideology of the "self," understanding "the self is exposed as an artifact of discourse, absent a stable interior" (Green, 2007, p. 33). Jagose (1996) suggests that consistent deconstruction and denaturalization of the category "queer" exposes all defining characteristics, thus resisting the temptation to take a specific form in which the normal can be challenged.
Health promotion approaches to sexuality and gender must take into account ways of speaking that belie the categories they create. In other words, a queer approach can deconstruct the categorical reference to "gay men" and "gay identity." The evolution of gay identity across the decades following the emergence of HIV/ AIDS can be seen as an evolution that orders sexual identity and, in turn, sexual practice. One important component of this evolution is the contribution of health promotion efforts to the way of speaking about gay men's health (Crossley, 2002; Dowsett et al., 2001).
Policies and program designed to inform gay men about safer sex practices at the outset of the epidemic often had the unintended consequence of stigmatizing HTV/ATDS and as a result stigmatized sex between men. Linking these ideas to gay men reinforced the gay men as diseased (Rofes, 2002). More than a negative image, this common perception contributed to the "othering" of gay men in mainstream society. Thus, queer theory is an essential component of the analysis of gay men, their health and their place in masculinity research.
Green (2007) explains the relevance of queer theory in sociological research, saying:
Its contribution to sexuality studies lies not in uncovering subjects and selves, but, following Warner (1993), by pivoting the analysis to a broader field of normalization that invokes the terms of social order so that it might ultimately reduce them to obsolescence. (p. 43)
In other words, refocusing the attention of theorists and researchers away from the normal can help dismantle the dominant social order and remove inequalities associated with difference.
An analysis of gay men's masculinities as a constructed identity must take into account the elastic nature of both social scripts and identities (Butler, 2004). The social scripts of heterosexuality and hegemonic masculinity, which regulate and enable selfidentification, can be understood as idealized social productions and reproductions across a number of places and times. As such, "sexual categories cannot capture erotic plasticity in the human species in any historical era, let alone our own - but to be a powerful organizing social force they do not need to be" (Green, 2002, p. 529). This statement is the linchpin to understanding the value that queer theory brings to a feminist and post-structural framework. Green (2007) suggests that "the deconstructive lens of queer theory has and should continue to serve as an invaluable counterpoint to the ways in which sociologists conceive of the reigning schema of social classifications, and their relationship to selves and subject positions" (p. 43). Queer theory avoids the trap of holding accepted beliefs about men and women, gender performances and sexual identities (Weedon, 1999).
Bringing together these theoretical positions- feminism, post-structuralism and queer theory -challenges health promotion researchers and policy analysts to "sharpen their analytical lenses, to grow sensitized to the discursive production of sexual identities, and to be mindful of the insidious force of heteronormativity as a fundamental organizing principle throughout social order" (Green, 2002). The queer theory framework especially provides an innovative way to understand gay men's masculinities in relation to HIV prevention.
Masculinities and Sexual Health Research among Gay Men
The power and privilege men experience within patriarchal societies is not equally distributed among all men. According to the World Health Organization (2002):
Male privilege is not a monolithic structure that distributes an equal slice of advantage to each man. Low-income men, young men, men outside the traditional power structure, men who hold alternative views, homosexual and bisexual men, and other specific groups of men are at times subject to discrimination. (p. 9)
Recognizing imbalances of power should be a key issue for any health promotion efforts aimed at men and boys. Of particular concern is the disenfranchisement of gay men through prevention programs designed to address their sexual health needs. Sexual health promotion programs must not only address issues of power between heterosexual and gay men, but also within the "community" of gay men. Schofield, Connell Walker, Wood, and Butland (2000) show that hegemonic masculinity and femininity are fraudulent categories that result in the manipulation of what has served to maintain and reinforce positions of power.
The very notion of gay men having a masculinity is contradictory, in that gay men are engaging in practices that markedly separate them from dominant notions of manhood (Connell, 1992; Herek, 1993; Pleck, 1981). Viewing masculinity as a "performative act" enables researchers to reevaluate the behaviours of gay men and their practices of masculinity in relation to sexual health (Butler, 2004; Connell, 1995). However, this theoretical framework becomes increasingly complex. As Weedon (1999) notes, "queer theory is in many ways postmodern, since it renounces any fixed notions of difference; in particular, fixed distinctions between masculine and feminine, maleness and femaleness" (p. 73). Akey to understanding this unique relationship within the hierarchy of masculinities is to recognize the malleability of masculinity and, as a result, to view gay men as gendered beings with as much, if not more, variation in their masculinities as their heterosexual counterparts (Cole, 2000).
The social determinants of health have provided a conceptual framework for understanding the intersections of social factors, health practices and outcomes (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2008; Raphael, 2004). As performances of gender are increasingly recognized as key components of health status, men's health is being further scrutinized from a gendered lens (J. A. Smith & Robertson, 2008). In this case, if practices of hegemonic masculinity are associated with risk-taking behavior, then sexual risk-taking behavior can be understood as a practice of hegemonic masculinity. Recent research has suggested that reduced condom use among gay men is an act of defiance against sanitized versions of gay sex which conflict with hegemonic masculine ideology. For example, it is argued that gay men may be perceived as more masculine for having not used a condom; that is, within the sexual relationship of gay men, the insertive (top) partner can be perceived as defiant or embodying greater masculinity for engaging in risk-taking behaviors which are commonly associated with practices of masculinity (Numer, in press). Practices associated with forms of masculinity and sexuality have specific correlates to health risks, thus marking them as important considerations for sexual health promotion.
Historically, gay men are positioned within a hierarchy of masculinities which ranks the most hegemonic masculine men at the pinnacle and all others as subordinate, with gay men often occupying the lowest tier. As such, gay men's masculinity has been described as "alternative enactments of gender as oppositional (Messerschmidt, 1993), compulsive (Majors & Billson, 1992), compensatory (Pyke, 1996), or protest (Connell, 1995) masculinities" (as cited in Courtenay, 200Ob, p. 1391; italics in original). However, a feminist, post-structuralist and queer framework might suggest that all of these descriptions place gay men as the "other" and therefore reinforce the hegemonic notions much of this literature sets out to challenge. Current discussions of gay men's practices of gender are limited in that they are formed by the language of heteropatriarchy (patriarchy of heterosexual males) and inherently compare gay men's behaviors to the dominant ideology of heterosexuality. Complementing this understanding, Green (2002) states: "substantial literature demonstrates the ways in which marginal sexual actors arrive at sexual identities and practices not in spite of heteronormativity, but because of it" (p. 540). The conceptualization of identity as subjectively constituted in relation to dominant ways of speaking about masculinity can begin to decipher the seemingly abnormal practices of gay men. Perhaps, masculinity research that takes into account the complexity of gay men's performances of gender in relation to their sexual health can use a feminist, post-structuralist and queer paradigm to unravel why, despite three decades of health promotion and sex education efforts, high rates of unprotected anal intercourse still occur within the population of gay men (Park & Breland, 2007; Strathdee et al., 1998; Strathdee et al., 2000).
There is a need within health promotion research, policy analysis and program development for a more fully informed approach to gay men's health, particularly in relation to sexual health practices and HIV. There is an increasing body of literature (Crossley, 2002; Numer, 2008; Redman, 1996; Rofes, 2002; Underwood, 2003; Wood, 2004) pointing to gay men's resistance to sexual health promotion efforts as linked to tensions that arise from occupying a subordinate position within the hierarchy of hegemonic masculinity by virtue of being gay. Dowsett (1993) illustrates this point by stating that "gay men occupy a strange position in masculinity research and men's studies; neither truly inside nor entirely outside its domains" (p. 697). As long as health promotion as a discipline continues to grapple with gay men's masculinities without incorporating queer theory, which wholly displaces the heterosexual norm, HIV/ AIDS prevention research cannot be adequately described.
Feminist, post-structural and queer theory approaches offer promising perspectives on sexual health promotion research aimed at gay men. As suggested by these theoretical paradigms, the inclusion of considerations of gay men's lived sexual experience in the development of meaningful HIV-prevention initiatives must take precedence over oftentimes contradictory public health messages. This is a particularly crucial issue in the face of new sexual subcultures such as barebacking (Holmes & Warner, 2004; Rowe & Dowsett, 2008). Using these theoretical frameworks also challenges health promotion research to tease out the complexities within sexual identity and sexual practice in heteropatriarchy. Recognizing the utility of such theoretical frameworks will no doubt initiate reform of health promotion, which will in turn increase efforts to find more fully informed approaches to HIV prevention research, policies and programs.
1 Compulsory heterosexuality refers to the theoretical work of Rich (1980) who argued that heterosexual relations were established within social, political and economic institutions as the norm.
2 The use of "Other" refers to de Beauvoir's (1970) concept of the "minority" in gender studies , traditionally regarded as women . This text will apply the use of "Other" to gay men who hold a subordinate position among the masculinities.
3 "Subject" is commonly used in post-structural theory to describe the individual. Replacing the word 'individual' with 'subject' suggests that individuals do not act outside of the way of speaking about them that that has evolved in their culture, society and history.
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MATTHEW S. NUMER
Matthew S. Numer and Jacqueline Gahagan, School of Health and Human Performance, Dalhousie University.
The authors would like to gratefully acknowledge Dr. Lisa Goldberg for her comments and input into the early version of this manuscript as part of a course at Dalhousie University: NURS 6050, Nursing Science: Philosophy, Research, Practice.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Matthew S. Numer, School of Health and Human Performance, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS ?3? 3J5, Canada. Email: firstname.lastname@example.org…
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Publication information: Article title: The Sexual Health of Gay Men in the Post-AIDS Era: Feminist, Post-Structuralist and Queer Theory Perspectives. Contributors: Numer, Matthew S. - Author, Gahagan, Jacqueline - Author. Journal title: International Journal of Men's Health. Volume: 8. Issue: 2 Publication date: Summer 2009. Page number: 155+. © 2009 Men's Studies Press. Provided by ProQuest LLC. All Rights Reserved.
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