Eating with Honor: The Corinthian Lord's Supper in Light of Voluntary Association Meal Practices
McRae, Rachel M., Journal of Biblical Literature
There has been increasing recognition by scholars studying the Greco-Roman world of the first century that a larger database of meal practices is desirable for understanding the social banqueting practices behind Paul's words concerning the Corinthian banquet of 1 Cor 11:17-33. Scholars such as Gerd Theissen, Wayne A. Meeks, Matthias Klinghardt, and Dennis E. Smith have mined the elite commensality literature of the ancients and have established that a standard form of the Greco-Roman banquet underlies practices of the time.1 Rituals varied, however, and Andrew McGowan reminds us that "various groups seem to have had different explicit understandings and purposes in mind and to have used eating and drinking together in a variety of ritual forms."2 Gerard Rouwhorst points out, citing Mary Douglas's work, that when a group constructs a ritual tradition, it is constructing a social identity: "Every meal-especially when taken together by more than one person-encodes significant messages about social and hierarchical patterns." 3
A study of banqueting traditions of Greco-Roman voluntary associations helps to clarify the role that the Mediterranean code of honor and shame played in establishing their social identity. As Jewish and Christian groups both saw themselves and were seen by others as voluntary associations, I suggest that similar social and hierarchical patterns based on the code of honor and shame of the Mediterranean world are evidenced in the banqueting traditions of the Corinthian community.4 These social patterns, rather than the economic patterns of wealth and poverty, explain the divisions in the Corinthian community. Because the honor/ shame code is a changeable value system rather than a fixed economic situation, I suggest that Paul is therefore able to propose radical changes to the Corinthian meal ritual in order to establish new social and behavioral patterns that reflect the values of humility, mutual upbuilding, and love that Jesus taught. In effect, Paul uses the meal ritual to create a new Christian social identity.
Gerd Theissen first analyzed the social problems of the Corinthian community, demonstrating that there was a "marked internal stratification" within the community, attributing the factions to economic divisions. The verb ... in 1 Cor 11:21 is understood to describe the few wealthy Corinthians who begin their private meal before the communal meal and receive larger portions owing to their rank.5 Jerome Murphy-O'Connor, drawing on the archaeological evidence of remains around Corinth of several wealthy villas with a triclinium (dining room) and an atrium, further speculates that the villa at Anaploga represents the type of home owned by a wealthy Corinthian patron of the Jesus community.6 He reasons that the host (perhaps Gaius) entertained the eight wealthiest members of the community in the triclinium of his villa (which seats nine) relegating the rest of the Corinthian group to inferior dining in his villa's atrium.7 Gregory Linton agrees with this suggestion, estimating that there were perhaps six smaller church groups in Corinth who would join together to celebrate the Lord's Supper.8 Perhaps more than thirty-five participants were dining.9
Peter Lampe, too, suggests that the wealthy Corinthians participated in "First Tables," a dinner attended by the leisured elite, and that the poorer people arrived later for the "Second Tables," which was the symposium, and received lesser portions consisting of sweet desserts and fruit, or perhaps spicy dishes, seafood, and bread.10 This explanation was accepted by a number of other scholars.11 Never- theless, there have been recent challenges to this theory by L. Michael White, David G. Horrell, and J. J. Meggitt, producing "a somewhat revised, more cautious" attitude concerning the economic status of the Corinthians and the cause of their social divisions.12
Here, inscriptions of the voluntary association banqueting customs may be engaged in the discussion, for they contain much evidence for divisions within a dining group-divisions predicated not on wealth but on the honor/shame code of the Mediterranean region.13 Richard S. Ascough notes that "segregative commensality is not limited to those in the upper ranks-its strength lies in the ability of groups to be (self-)selective about who can join in the eating and drinking."14 We suggest that, similar to other voluntary associations, the divisions marring the celebration of the Lord's Supper in Corinth may be attributed to the honor and shame value code.
I. Honor and Shame in the Associations
"It is becoming an accepted fact that honor and shame were pivotal values in antiquity that structured the daily lives of peoples around the Mediterranean."15 The voluntary associations subscribed to the same cultural agonistic social values of honor and shame as the Mediterranean society in which they lived.16 In this code of values, an adult could attain honor individually (of secondary importance) and collectively (of prime importance). The honor could be attributed (the honor that the people's court of reputation attributes to people when they are born, which is acquired through birth, family connections, or endowment by notable persons of power) as well as distributed (honor that the people's court of reputation distributes whenever someone outwits another, when a benefaction is made, or after any kind of public challenge and riposte). "While power, wealth, and gender do figure into the 'rules' of honor and shame, these individualistic characteristics matter much less than the opinion of the PCR [public court of reputation], whoever that might represent in any given instance."17 Honor was always gained at the expense of another, for, according to this worldview of "limited good" or perception of scarcity, all good things exist in limited quantity. Shame or dishonor results from lack of acknowledgment by the public court of reputation. In the public court of reputation, marginalized people such as low status groups and women could gain honor. Aristotle claims that shame adheres to those who fail to demonstrate the four cardinal virtues (Rhet. 2.6.3-4).
The banquet became an important vehicle for distributing honor. As Willi Braun has noted, the early Christians in Paul's community did not invent their banquet from nothing.18 "Throughout their lives, individuals in antiquity were embedded in some collective or group-either the family, which was the dominant institution of that social world, or peer groups at the gymnasium, symposium, army, synagogue, or assembly of citizens in the polis."19 There was a long-standing tradition of banqueting in these groups, practiced at virtually every social level. All over the Mediterranean world, from earliest times, cultic association members voluntarily joined together for conviviality and to express their piety in regularly scheduled private sacrificial banquets.20
Our main sources of information for associations are the thousands of inscriptions dating from as early as the fifth century B.C.E. To date, fifteen fragmentary inscriptions possibly belonging to voluntary associations have been found at Corinth.21 Extensive excavations at Ephesus have uncovered the existence of fortyone trade associations and nineteen cultic associations. Twenty-four voluntary associations are attested on Delos, forty-six at Thessalonike, and fifty-nine in Ostia.22 Archaeologists in Petra, Nabatea, speculate that as many as forty associations (marzeahi) established sanctuaries in the high places of the canyon.23 James Rives points to the importance of this source of information for social and religious life in antiquity; it fills the gaps left by literary sources and gives us "a view of civic life at ground level as well as from the heights."24
Membership numbers in the associations were generally small, averaging perhaps fifteen to one hundred, and were mainly drawn from the urban poor, slaves, and freedmen.25 Intersecting social relations in the Greco-Roman world played a major role in the formation of voluntary associations, for while the members were mainly the urban poor, slaves, and freedmen, their patrons could be both wealthier and of a higher status group.26Many people belonged to more than one association. 27With a few exceptions, such as groups that had a long pedigree, including Jewish synagogues and ancient societies, associations were declared illegal under various Roman administrations after 184 B.C.E., but they continued to thrive despite sporadic suppression.28 During the first century, with its migration and intermixing of peoples, powers, and ideas, the presence of associations was felt throughout the entire Roman Empire, especially in urban areas, where they played a significant role in mediating various kinds of social exchange.29 An association became the "socially constructed replacement for the family."30
An association's private banquet was the chief venue for announcing, award- ing, and parading honorific deeds. Honors were varied:31 erection of a stele, bust, or statue; honors at the annual or monthly banquet such as the privilege of reclining on the couch of honor, and crowning with a gold or olive or floral wreath, which was sometimes adorned with woolen or red ribbons; public announcement of the person's benefaction during the sacrifices and meetings; bestowal of money or honoraria or interest on mortgaged land; exemption from all membership fees for a period of time; or the privilege of front seats for oneself and one's guest(s) during the games. For officials, honors might include attendance at a sacred meal, an increased share of the distributions after sacrifice,32 or special clothing, such as priestly headband or special cloak for the sacred procession and meal.33 Associations, along with elites and municipal institutions, used the physical manifestations of the banquet display to further their own social prestige in the competition for membership, patrons, and political power in their world.
Associations were often included in select public and private banquets, where wealthy benefactors would present distributions (sportulae) according to a strict hierarchy.34 Participation in these banquets, through their membership in their collegia, elevated members' personal status as well as the status of their collegia. "The effect of all this was that collegia were presented as respectable organisations, as first-level status groups for ambitious members of the plebs that were seen as an integral part of local social hierarchies."35 Membership in associations and attendance at their banquets were seen as an acceptable (i.e., honorable) source of social identity.36
Association inscriptions often included the wish that their association "increase by zeal for honor," or that "there shall be a rivalry among everyone to strive for honor among them, everyone knowing that they will be honored in a way worthy of those who themselves show kindness."37Members competed for official leadership positions in their associations-positions that would have been denied them in their civic institution, because of their rank and status.38 Through these positions members were able to exert some measure of control over their collegium, and provide a structure for negotiating relationships with the officials of the municipality and the elite.39 Positions such as quinquennalis (president of the Roman collegia), magister cenarum(master of the Roman banquet), archisynagogos and archon (president of the Greek association), archeranistes (master of the Greek banquet), epimeletes (supervisors) and tamias (treasurer) were desirable and highly respected, although often financially onerous, requiring considerable disbursement of the member's private funds.40 Lengths of tenure varied, and many officials purchased their valuable offices.41
Similar to other associations, the Corinthian community encouraged its members to excel. Paul praises Titus for accepting the job of money collector: "you excel in everything-in faith, in speech, in knowledge, in utmost eagerness, and in our love for you-so we want you to excel also in this generous undertaking" (2 Cor 8:7). We see that there were opportunities for achieving honor within the individual house church in the leadership roles as well. Members pursued status through their roles as prophets, speakers-in-tongues, teachers, and so forth.42 In 1 Cor 12:28-30, in tension with his usual teachings of equality and mutual servitude, Paul too participates in legitimating the ranking system, as he enumerates the official positions in the community: in the top rank are Paul, the founder, and Apollos and Cephas, leaders and apostles. They receive wages from the group (1 Cor 3:8), acquire a group following, and build on the foundation laid by Paul (3:10). Prophets are named second, for they build up the community and acquire more honor than those who speak in tongues (14:5). Teachers are third; fourth are those who effected "deeds of power"; fifth, those who contribute their gifts of healing; and then appear those who offer "forms of assistance, forms of leadership, various kinds of tongues" (12:28). Each of these leadership positions has been given a title, similar to other association titles, such as epimeletes and gymnasiarch.43
Honor was acquired in associations through benefaction, as well. Wealthy patrons (of both genders) contributed to the building and upkeep of association meeting halls, sanctuaries, and banqueting facilities, in exchange for the "symbolic capital" before gods and fellow citizens that the association could give them.44 Individuals of religious associations benefited from the "kinship" networks established between patrons and sub-elite, allowing poorer members increased access to the economic and political benefits that patrons could offer.45 In addition, patrons sometimes benefited politically from this exchange, as evidenced by election slogans from Pompeii, which indicate that associations supported their patrons' claims to political office.46 Inscriptions on stelae erected to honor individuals repeatedly emphasize that the patron/ess was "well-disposed to the affairs of the gods and the affairs of the synodos with regard to seeking honor, and seeking honor privately and publicly."47
That women also participated in the distribution of honor through banquet iconography is seen in funerary monuments. It is apparent that the quest for honor did not end at death but continued beyond the grave. A great many grave monuments from classical and archaic Greece, Etruria, and the Roman Empire evidence variations on the banqueting scheme called Totenmahl. "The basic motif of the Totenmahl consists of a single male figure, wearing tunic and mantle or with his upper torso bare, reclining on a couch with a drinking vessel in his hand and a small table in front laden with food. A woman often sits either in a separate chair or on the foot of the couch; a servant brings drink."48 Etruscan and Roman tomb paintings and reliefs also evidence respectable married women reclining honorably upon a kline, either alone or with their husbands.49 Recent commentators now recognize three possible interpretations of the Totenmahl. Many argue that the reclining banqueters are enjoying the pleasures of the banquet as the highest point of their lifetimes; some suggest an otherworldly banquet. A third interpretation sees the banquet as the celebration of the cult of the dead, where family members feast with the dead on the third, ninth, and thirtieth day after death, and annually thereafter.50 Most of the funeral banquets would have taken place outdoors, but wealthier families occasionally incorporated a small triclinium into the grave.
On the cover of a marble sarcophagus, there is an inscription dating from the second to the third century C.E. recording that Marcus Aurelius Ammianos Menadrianos donated to the guild of flax workers and dealers the sum of 250 denarii for the annual crowning of the tomb of himself, his wife, and his descendants, and for the distribution of money to the guild members.51 If the flax workers are negligent in their performance of the funerary banquet, with its honorable gesture of the crowning of the tomb, the money shall be taken from them and twice the sum shall be paid to another association, the Friends of Weapons.
As in other associations, "the structured social relationships in a church such as at Corinth, with its fictive kinship, probably facilitated opportunities for patron- age, clientelism, employment and social and political mobility."52 In addition, these opportunities were open to both women and men. "Cotter concludes that when Roman cultural standards are taken as the comparison, there is nothing countercultural in Paul's putting women in positions of authority."53 Paul uses the language of honor to praise the benefactors of the various ekklesiai. Stephanas is fulsomely complimented: "you know that members of the household of Stephanas were the first converts in Achaia, and they have devoted themselves to the service of the saints; I urge you to put yourselves at the service of such people, and of everyone who works and toils with them. . . . so give recognition to such persons" (1 Cor 16:15-18). Prisca and Aquila are honored: "Greet Prisca and Aquila, who work with me in Christ Jesus, and who risked their necks for my life, to whom not only I give thanks, but also all the churches of the Gentiles" (Rom 16:3; 1 Cor 16:19). Phoebe is praised by Paul as deacon and benefactor in the ekklesia in Cenchreae: "I commend to you our sister Phoebe, a deacon of the church at Cenchreae, so that you may welcome her in the Lord as is fitting for the saints, and help her in whatever she may require from you, for she has been a benefactor of many and of myself as well" (Rom 16:1). Chloe is acknowledged as a leader/benefactor in her ekklesia: "For it has been reported to me by Chloe's people that there are quarrels among you" (1 Cor 1:11).
It is here that a certain tension in Paul's thinking concerning the system of honor and shame is seen in 1 Corinthians and Romans, for, as will be discussed below, Paul largely deplores the use of the honor/shame code in his communities. In his previous letter to the Thessalonians, Paul had warned this particular group to behave properly toward outsiders and be dependent on no one at all (µ?de???), that is, not even benefactors (1 Thess 4:12). Furthermore, in 2 Cor 8:1-15, Paul uses shame to motivate members of the community to contribute to the Jerusalem collection, citing it as an honorary religious obligation.54 Whereas some associations used fines, floggings, and expulsion to punish aberrant behavior, Paul attempts to shame the Corinthian community into better treatment of the disadvantaged at the Lord's Supper (1 Cor 11:22), even though he deplored the honor/ shame code.
The physical arrangements of place setting and food at the banquet also reinforced the hierarchy of honor and shame. In the dining triclinia, the three couches and the seating on these three couches were arranged in hierarchical fashion.55 The place of honor on the primary couch was either in the middle or on one side, depending on Greek or Roman custom. Places on each couch ranked in descending order in relationship to the honorary guest.56 Competition was so fierce for honorable positions on the couches-and the status that these positions entailed- that associations, in an attempt to establish some measure of order, would legislate against and prescribe fines for the changing of places by those who competed at the banquet for better seats.57 The couches, especially the honored couch, were for self-display. The Romans connected visibility with power-"the more powerful the man, the more visible he is."58 Association inscriptions on stelae often record the honoring of a patron or official with the honorary position on the couch.59 The various triclinia themselves were also ranked in prestige, according to proximity to and visibility of the honored guest, and the portion and quality of food were determined in a hierarchical fashion.60
At the banquet of the Lord's Supper also, competition can be seen. The traditional hierarchical positioning of the Greco-Roman banquet of both elites and associations was followed by the Corinthian ekklesia, with the honored people seated on more comfortable, well-positioned couches and served first with higher-quality fare. As in other small voluntary associations, there may have been one or two who were wealthy and of noble birth, but probably not enough to fill nine places on the couches of the primary triclinium. Paul comments, "not many of you were . . . powerful, not many were of noble birth" (1 Cor 1:26). It is people of little wealth (relative to the elite) or noble birth, such as ekklesia patrons Stephanas, Gaius, Chloe, Phoebe, Prisca, and Aquila, who were honored by seats on the primary couches. In addition, others of low economic status such as Apollos and Cephas, as apostles and leaders; Titus, the money collector; and the prophets, teachers, and healers of the community were honored because of their valued official role. It would be these people who would be "devouring" their food and drinking to excess (1 Cor 11:21).
Further, the disadvantaged group was composed of those who had no honorable standing in the community. They lacked wealth, power, and status, as well as gifts and graces valuable to the community. They held no leadership position in the group, such as healer, teacher, or prophet and thus were shamed (...) according to the Corinthian public court of reputation. They were positioned farther from the honored guests and were served later, with food and drink of lesser quality and limited quantity. It may be that the low-status members considered this treatment acceptable, for they received some honor from admittance to the group and the banquet. They may have had upward-moving intentions to improve their social identity in the group by seeking leadership or developing charismatic skills in the next year.
II. Divisions within the Associations
Belonging to a group and dining together tended to encourage factions both within and between groups. As Claude Grignon observed, commensality (banqueting) tends to "approve and express discontinuities that separate human groups" allowing members to "assert or to strengthen a 'We' by pointing out and rejecting, as symbols of otherness, the 'not We', strangers, rivals, enemies, superiors, or inferiors." 61 Criteria for admittance to the group and therefore to the banquet were well defined in the association inscriptions, encouraging this method of "othering."62 Some groups set membership fees, as well as recognizing inheritance rights, such as the Athenian Iobakchoi, who exacted a higher admittance payment for those without inheritance rights.63 The cult of Bendis charged lifetime dues.64 Some associations, such as the Andanian mysteries, observed a period of initiation and consecration, while others, such as the Mystai of Zeus demanded an oath.65 All associations set behavioral rules and penalties if the rules were broken.
The agonistic spirit pervaded the culture, appearing in all facets of public life, including athletic, artistic, and theatrical events.66 Divisions, factions, and leader- ship disputes were a problem. Association inscriptions from Kos, Miletus, and Piraeus are concerned with challenges to the priestess's authority from would-be priestesses who wished to gather the thiasos together, to undertake the role of the priestess herself, or to impose further expenses on the association.67 In Delos, an inscription forbids any member of the synodos from attempting to subvert the oiling and crowning of the bust, and in Kos impiety was called down upon anyone offering an interpretation concerning the priests of Demeter that violated what was written in the sacred laws on the notice boards.68
Divisions, factions, and leadership disputes were a problem in the Corinthian community as well. Linton and James D. G. Dunn speculate that there were as many as six communities of Jesus groups in Corinth, each of which met in the suitably large home of a member, for frequent, regular meetings, and met less often (weekly? monthly?) in gatherings of "the whole church."69 It seems that there were divisions among these groups, for at the beginning of the letter, Paul exclaims: "for it has been reported to me by Chloe's people that there are quarrels among you" (1 Cor 1:11). These groups were engaging in boundary-setting behavior at the expense of their fellow groups in Corinth. Like the Iobakchoi,70 who engraved on their stela, "now we are the best of all Bacchic societies," the individual house-communities proclaim, "I belong to Apollos," or "I belong to Paul" (1:12; 3:4) meaning "our ekklesia is the best ekklesia in the city of Corinth and our leader beats your leader!"
In 1 Cor 11:17-19 Paul discusses the factions (s??sµata) among the people in the Corinthian ekklesia. The NSRV translates this: "there have to be factions among you, for only so will it become clear who among you are genuine [...]." It is unclear whether Paul is using the word d???µ?? in connection with doctrinal attitudes or sociocultural attitudes. Most scholars interpret Paul's tone as one of resignation, or mock disbelief (rhetorical dissimulatio); he is admitting shock at such a monstrous violation of the unity which he has taught them.71 R. Alistair Campbell offers an important translation: "So that if you please the elite may stand out from the rest."72 He points out that the word d???µ?? is the Corinthians' word rather than Paul's, and that this is the way the upper-class Corinthian members describe themselves as a method of attaining distinction.
A study of association inscriptions offers a somewhat similar usage of the word ... and its cognates. The associations use the term frequently, with the sense of "approved by the people," and I suggest that this is the inference that Paul wants his communities to make: "for only so will it become clear who among you are approved by your association." The verb form ... is used in a number of inscriptions to indicate "approved by a vote," or "resolved," as in the regulations of a Piraean eranos from 300 b.c.e.: ... ("For good fortune, be it resolved by the association members to commend Aischylion").73 The verb form occurs also in the regulations of a thiasos of Piraeus in 325 B.C.E.: ... (whatever "seems appropriate to the association").74 The adjectival form describing an appropriate amount of wine appears in Epicteta's cult-foundation inscription: ... ("enough approved foreign wine");75 in a decree concerning the festival of Artemis in Ephesus, ... is "a man very well thought of."76 In the regulations of the Andanian mysteries of 96 B.C.E., it is the animals that are marked as approved by the ten officers: ... ("let the officers put a marking on the approved animals").77
Familiar with association behaviors, Paul recognized that approval from the members was the usual method of gaining honor in order to hold a leadership position. An excessive example of this is seen in the story of Ananias and Sapphira, who lie about their contributions in order to gain honor with their community (Acts 5:1-11).78 This seeking of honor, even for a faith commitment, caused the inevitable divisions or splits. Paul doubts the effectiveness of these proclivities, for he comments in 2 Cor 10:12: "But when they measure themselves by one another, and compare themselves with one another, they do not show good sense." Revealing again a certain tension in his thinking, Paul recognizes that factions are developing among the Corinthian ekklesiai because of the cultural honor code. Although inconsistencies are evident, as noted above, Paul deplores this agonistic system of honor and shame. He states categorically in his letter to the Corinthians, "In this matter, I do not commend you!" (1 Cor 11:22). Paul seeks to overturn the values of the honor and shame code, teaching the members of the community mutual upbuilding, mutual servanthood, and power in weakness, and encouraging strong fictive kinship groups.79
It is God who is now the supreme patron and source of all beneficence.80 Paul says, "For us there is one God, the Father, from whom are all things and for whom we exist, and one Lord, Jesus Christ, through whom are all things, and through whom we exist" (1 Cor 8:6). Honor no longer comes from the acknowledgment of good deeds or benefaction by one's equals, where there is a scarcity of honor for each to acquire. Honor comes from God, who represents abundance: "for the earth and its fullness are the Lord's" (1 Cor 11:26). Good deeds or benefaction no longer need to be claimed for due honor, for it is enough that God knows. As Ascough notes, Paul's countercultural view of the honor system is "'treasure in heaven' rather than 'honor on earth.'"81 In this community, the new code embedded in the banquet reflects Jesus' ethics of service, sacrifice, and substitutionary atonement: "do not seek your own advantage, but that of the other" (1 Cor 10:24). The ritual of the Lord's Supper calls the participants to behavior based on values such as equality, rather than hierarchy; mutual servitude, rather than competition; and humility, rather than the upward mobility enshrined in the power structures of the Greco- Roman world.
The Corinthians' social identity as individuals and as a group will derive from identification with a group that turns away from the pivotal values of the Mediterranean world. The new social identity changes the search for status into recognition of God's leadership, guidance, and power.82 Attributive honor now comes with possession of the Holy Spirit. Distributive honor comes from a life devoted to servitude and compassion for others. Judgment of honor comes through "the body and blood of the Lord." Indeed, judgment of this new form of honor is already appar- ent to the group: "for all who eat and drink without discerning the body, eat and drink judgment against themselves. For this reason many of you are weak and ill, and some have died" (1 Cor 11:27-30). Paul is creating a new social identity, the Christian identity.
The associations provide much information on how the code of honor and shame, which was embedded in all facets of the Mediterranean world, underlay all ritual behavior. Honor was sought through membership and office in a group and was rewarded at the monthly banquet. The importance of the banquet as a location for awarding honor can be traced even to the Totenmahl iconography of funerary monuments. Those who receive the honor of reclining on the foremost couch, therefore, are the honored officials of the community-those who serve in offices such as healers, prophets, speakers-in-tongues, and treasurers, and those of both genders who are patrons and benefactors. As befits their honored status within the group, they are served first with special portions of food and wine. Those who occupy the least important couches are those with little status in the group because they lack personal gifts, official standing, or wealth.
While the dishonored, who know no other value system, may intend to improve their low status within the group in the future, Paul deplores this use of the honor and shame code at the banquet celebrating the ritual of the Lord's Supper. Paul overturns this value system, encouraging the teachings of Jesus about equality, humility, and mutuality instead of hierarchy, aggrandizement, and competition. Although unable to dispense completely with the honor system-as evidenced by his support of patronage and methods of office seeking-Paul changes the value system of the Lord's Supper to recognize God as the divine patron, attributive honor as the gift of the Holy Spirit, and distributive honor as a life devoted to servitude and love for others. Judgment of honor comes from the body and blood of Jesus Christ, whose memory is forever enshrined in the Lord's Supper banquet ritual. Paul rejects the old behaviors pervading the Mediterranean world and encourages new behaviors that reflect the social identity of a follower of Jesus.
I am grateful for feedback on various drafts of this paper from Professor Richard Ascough, and for the helpful suggestions of the two anonymous JBL reviewers.
1 English translations of Athenaeus, Deipnosophists, Learned Banqueters; Ovid, Metamorphoses; Pausanias, Description of Greece; and Juvenal, Juvenal and Persius are from the Loeb Classical Library. See Theissen, The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity: Essays on Corinth (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1989), 147-63; Meeks, The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983); Matthias Klinghardt, "A Typology of the Community Meal" (paper presented to the Meals in the Greco-Roman World Consultation, SBL annual meeting, Atlanta, November, 2003); D. Smith, "The Greco-Roman Banquet as a Social Institution" (paper presented to the Meals in the Greco-Roman World Consultation, SBL annual meeting, Atlanta, November, 2003); idem, "Greco-Roman Meal Customs," ABD 4:650-53; and, more recently, idem, From Symposium to Eucharist: The Banquet in the Early Christian World (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2003).
2 McGowan, "Food, Ritual, and Power," in Late Ancient Christianity (ed. Virginia Burrus; People's History of Christianity 2; Minneapolis: Fortress, 2005), 145-64.
3 Rouwhorst, "Table Community in Early Christianity," in A Holy People: Jewish and Christian Perspectives on Religious Communal Identity (ed. Marcel Poorthuis and Joshua Schwartz; Jewish and Christian Perspectives 12; Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2006), 69-84, here 69, citing Mary Douglas, Implicit Meanings: Selected Essays in Anthropology (2nd ed.; London/New York: Routledge, 1999); Paul Bradshaw, The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship: Sources and Methods for the Study of Early Liturgy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Andrew McGowan, "Rethinking Agape," Studia Liturgica 34 (2004): 165-76.
4 Peter Richardson, Building Jewish in the Roman East (Waco: Baylor University Press, 2004), 187. Christians too were viewed as collegia; see John S. Kloppenborg, "Edwin Hatch, Churches and Collegia," in Origins and Method: Towards a New Understanding of Judaism and Christianity. Essays in Honour of John C. Hurd (ed. Bradley H. McLean; JSNTSup 86; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1993), 228: "Pliny's statement that Christians in Bithynia ceased meeting after Trajan's edict banning hetaeriae indicates both that the Christians involved saw themselves as constituting an association, and that this judgement was shared by Pliny." See also B. W. R. Pearson, "Associations," Dictionary of New Testament Background (ed. Craig A. Evans and Stanley E. Porter; Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity, 2000), 137; Hans-Josef Klauck, The Religious Context of Early Christianity: A Guide to Greco- Roman Religions (Studies of the New Testament and Its World; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 2000), 54; Robert L. Wilken, The Christians as the Romans Saw Them (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984), 44-46; Jim Harrison, "Paul's House Churches and the Cultic Associations," RTR 58 (1999): 31-33; S. C. Barton and G. H. R. Horsley, "A Hellenistic Cult Group and the New Testament Churches," JAC 24 (1981): 28-38; Richard S. Ascough, Paul's Macedonian Associations: The Social Context of Philippians and 1 Thessalonians (WUNT 2/161; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003), 71-94.
5 Theissen, Social Setting of Pauline Christianity, 151-54; idem, Social Reality and the Early Christians: Theology, Ethics and the World of the New Testament (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1992); E. A. Judge, The Social Pattern of the Christian Groups in the First Century: Some Prolegomena to the Study of New Testament Ideas of Social Obligation (Christ and Culture Collection; London: Tyndale, 1960); Abraham Malherbe, Social Aspects of Early Christianity (Rockwell Lectures; Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1977).
6 Murphy-O'Connor, St. Paul's Corinth: Texts and Archaeology (Wilmington, DE: Michael Glazier, 1983), 155-56.
7 Murphy O'Connor cites Dennis E. Smith, "Social Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals: A Study of the Christian Meal in 1 Corinthians in Comparison with Graeco-Roman Meals" (Th.D. diss., Harvard University, 1980), 156.
8 Linton ("House Church Meetings in the New Testament Era," in Stone Campbell Journal 8 : 220-44, here 233) suggests that there were six small groups meeting in the homes of the following people in Corinth: Aquila and Priscilla (Acts 18:2-4); Titius Justus (Acts 18:7); Crispus (Acts 18:8); Chloe (1 Cor 1:11); Stephanas (1 Cor 1:16); and Gaius (Rom 16:23). The church in neighboring Cenchreae meets in the home of Phoebe (Rom 16:1-2).
9 Henk J. de Jonge, "The Early History of the Lord's Supper," in Religious Identity and the Invention of Tradition: Papers Read at a NOSTER Conference in Soesterberg, January 4-6, 1999 (ed. Jan Willem van Henten and Anton Houtepen; Studies in Theology and Religion 3; Assen: Van Gorcum, 2001), 209-37, here 209.
10 Peter Lampe, "The Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Party: Exegesis of a Cultural Context (1 Cor. 11:17-34)," Affirmation 4 (1991): 2-3.
11 Carolyn Osiek and David L. Balch, Families in the New Testament World: Households and House Churches (Family, Religion, and Culture; Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1997), 200- 203; Bradley B. Blue, "The House Church at Corinth and the Lord's Supper: Famine, Food Supply, and the Present Distress," Criswell Theological Review 5 (1991): 233-34; Dennis E. Smith and Hal E. Taussig, Many Tables: The Eucharist in the New Testament and Liturgy Today (Philadelphia: Trinity Press International, 1990), 64; de Jonge, "Early History," 209-10; Linton, "House Church Meetings," 243.
12 Horrell, "Domestic Space and Christian Meetings at Corinth: Imagining New Contexts and the Buildings East of the Theatre," NTS 50 (2004): 359. For the discussion of the economic status of the Corinthians, see Gail R. O'Day, "Jeremiah 9:22-23 and 1 Corinthians 1:26-31: A Study in Intertextuality," JBL 109 (1990): 259-67; and the interchange of ideas among Meggitt (Paul, Poverty and Survival [Studies of the New Testament and Its World; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1998], 153, 179; "Response to Martin and Theissen," JSNT 24 : 85-94), Dale B. Martin ("Review Essay: Justin J. Meggitt, Paul, Poverty and Survival," JSNT 24 : 51-64), and Theissen ("Social Conflicts in the Corinthian Community: Further Remarks on J. J. Meggitt, Paul, Poverty and Survival," JSNT 25 : 371-91). See also Steven J. Friesen, "Poverty in Pauline Studies: Beyond the So-Called New Consensus," JSNT 26 (2004): 323-61; Bengt Holmberg, "The Methods of Historical Reconstruction in the Scholarly 'Recovery' of Corinthian Christianity," in Christianity at Corinth: The Quest for the Pauline Church (ed. Edward Adams and David G. Horrell; Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2004), 255-72; L. Michael White, The Social Origins of Christian Architecture, vol. 1, Building God's House in the Roman World: Architectural Adaptation among Pagans, Jews and Christians (Valley Forge, PA: Trinity Press International, 1990), 102-39, esp. 107; Linton, "House Church Meetings," 238; Horrell, "Domestic Space," 354-56.
13 Ascough, "Forms of Commensality in Greco-Roman Associations," CW102 (2008): 33- 46.
14 Ibid., 37.
15 Neyrey, Honor and Shame in the Gospel of Matthew (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1998), 3; Zeba Crook ("Honor, Shame, and Social Status Revisited," JBL 128 : 591) agrees that "there is more than enough evidence to defend the proposition that in the Mediterranean, past and present, these values remain pivotal."
16 The following paragraph is indebted to both Crook, "Honor, Shame," 591-611, and the seminal work of Bruce J. Malina and Jerome H. Neyrey, "Honor and Shame in Luke-Acts: Pivotal Values of the Mediterranean World," in The Social World of Luke-Acts: Models for Interpretation (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1991), 1-46.
17 Crook, "Honor, Shame," 610.
18 Braun, "The Greco-Roman Meal: Typology of Form or Form of Typology?" (paper presented to the Meals in the Greco-Roman World Consultation, SBL annual meeting, Atlanta, November, 2003), 2.
19 Neyrey, Honor and Shame in the Gospel of Matthew, 28.
20 Ascough, "Forms of Commensality," 3.
21 See Ascough, "The Completion of a Religious Duty: The Background of 2 Cor. 8.1-15," NTS 42 (1996): 584 n. 3.
22 Richardson, Building Jewish, 193.
23 Robert Wenning, "The Rock-Cut Architecture of Petra," in Petra Rediscovered: Lost City of the Nabataeans (ed. Glenn Markoe; New York: Cincinnati Art Museum, 2003), 133, 142; Laïla Nehmé, "The Petra Survey Project," in ibid., 158.
24 Rives, "Civic and Religious Life," in Epigraphic Evidence: Ancient History from Inscriptions (ed. John Bodel; Approaching the Ancient World; London: Routledge, 2001), 118-19.
25 John S. Kloppenborg, "Collegi and Thiasoi: Issues in Function, Taxonomy and Membership," in Voluntary Associations in the Graeco-Roman World (ed. John S. Kloppenborg and Stephen G. Wilson; London/New York: Routledge, 1996), 23.
26 Philip A. Harland, "Connections with Elites in the World of the Early Christians," in Handbook of Early Christianity: Social Science Approaches (ed. Anthony J. Blasi, Paul-André Turcotte, and Jean Duhaime; Walnut Creek, CA: Alta Mira. 2002), 389.
27 Ascough, "A Question of Death: Paul's Community Building Language in 1 Thessalonians 4:13-18," JBL 123 (2004): 510.
28 Ascough, "Greco-Roman Philosophic, Religious, and Voluntary Associations," in Community Formation in the Early Church and the Church Today (ed. Richard N. Longenecker; Peabody. MA: Hendrickson, 2002), 3.
29 Ibid.; Kloppenborg, "Collegia and Thiasoi," 17; Burton L. Mack, Who Wrote the New Testament: The Making of the Christian Myth (San Francisco: HarperSan Francisco, 1995), 19.
30 Ascough, "Question of Death," 519, citing Jonathan Z. Smith, "Here, There and Anywhere" (keynote address to the conference entitled "Prayer, Magic, and the Stars in the Ancient and Late Antique World," University of Washington, Department of New Eastern Languages and Civilization, March 3-5, 2000), 14.
31 Ascough, Paul's Macedonian Associations, 24-28; Klauck, Religious Context, 44.
32 For guests at the procession see IDelos 1520.
33 See Rachel M. McRae, "The Corinthian Lord's Supper and the Greco-Roman Banquet" (M.T.S. thesis, Queen's Theological College, 2008), appendix B.
34 Associations also handed out sportulae; see Frank M. Ausbüttel, Untersuchungen zu den Vereinen im Westen des römischen Reiches (Frankfurter althistorische Studien 11; Kallmünz: Michael Lassleben, 1982), 55-56.
35 Onno van Nijf, The Civic World of the Professional Associations in the Roman East (Dutch Monographs on Ancient History and Archaeology 17; Amsterdam: J. C. Gieben, 1997), 155, 166- 68.
36 Ibid., 28.
37 IG II/2, 1369 (Eranos of Liopesi, Attica, second century C.E.) and IG II/2, 1292 (Cult of Sarapis, Athens, third century B.C.E.).
38 Ilias Arnaoutoglou, "Between Koinon and Idion: Legal and Social Dimensions of Religious Associations in Ancient Athens," in Kosmos: Essays in Order, Conflict, and Community in Classical Athens (ed. Paul Cartledge, Paul Millett, and Sitta von Reden; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 75; Ascough, Paul's Macedonian Associations, 25; Wilken, Christians as the Romans Saw Them, 35-40; Andrew D. Clarke, Serve the Community of the Church: Christians as Leaders and Ministers. First-Century Christians in the Graeco-Roman World (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000), 68; Pauline Schmitt-Pantel, "Collective Activities and the Political in the Greek City," in The Greek City from Homer to Alexander (ed. Oswyn Murray and S. R. F. Price; Oxford: Clarendon, 1990), 200-201; Frank Frost Abbott, The Common People of Ancient Rome: Studies of Roman Life and Literature (1911; repr., New York: Biblo & Tannen, 1965), 221-25; John F. Donahue, The Roman Community at Table during the Principiate (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2004), 84.
39 Kloppenborg, "Collegia and Thiasoi," 27; van Nijf, Civic World, 21.
40 For tamias, see IG II/2, 1327; quinquennali: CIL IV, 2112; archisynagogos: IG X/2, 288, 289; archon: IG X/2, 58; archeranistes: IG II/2, 1343; epimeletes: IG X/2, 88; Ausbüttel, Untersuchungen zu den Vereinen, 55-57; Halsey Royden, "The Tenure of Office of the Quinquennales in the Roman Professional Collegia," AJP 110 (1989) 303-15; Arnaoutoglou, "Between Koinon and Idion," 75; Ascough, "Greco-Roman Philosophic, Religious and Voluntary Associations," 15.
41 SIG 3, 1009 (Chalcedon, first century B.C.E.); IPriene 174 (second century B.C.E.); IPriene 201-2 (Anatolia, second century B.C.E.).
42 Contra Edwin Hatch (The Organization of the Early Christian Churches: Eight Lectures Delivered before the University of Oxford, in the Year 1880 [Bampton Lectures for 1880; London: Rivington's, 1881; repr., Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock, 1999], 119), who recognizes that the distinctions are based upon varieties of spiritual power, but denies that this affects their official standing in the group.
43 Bradley H. McLean comments that "it is instructive to observe that various Christian groups also experimented with their own titles" ("The Agrippinilla Inscription: Religious Associations and Early Church Formation," in McLean, Origins and Method, 259). Cf. 1 Cor 12:27-31; Eph 2:19-21; Phil 1:1.
44 Arnaoutoglou, "Between Koinon and Idion," 81.
45 McLean, "Agrippinilla Inscription," 266-67. McLean further suggests that this access to patron relationships was manipulated by the Corinthian groups in forming factions.
46 Kloppenborg, "Collegia and Thiasoi," 30 n. 66, referencing CIL IV, 113, 206, 336, 497, 677, 710, 743, 826, 864, 960, 7164, 7273, 7473, etc.
47 IDelos 1519, 1520, and 1521 (Berytos, second century B.C.E.); IG II/2, 2343 (Athens, 400 B.C.E.); IG II/2, 1301 (Piraeus, 222 B.C.E.); CIJ I, 694 (Stobi, third century C.E.); CIL VI, 10234 (Rome, 153 C.E.); IG X/2, 259 (Thessalonica, first century C.E.); CBP 455 (Phrygia, third century C.E.); I DFSJ 11 (Baruch Lifshitz, Donateurs et fondateurs dans les synagogues juives [CahRB 7; Paris: Gabalda, 1967]) (Olbia, Sardinia, Italy); I DFSJ 12 (Pergamum); DFSJ 13 (Phoceae, third century C.E.), DFSJ 16 (Teos, third century C.E.); DFSJ 31 (Nysa, third century C.E.); DFSJ 33 (first century C.E.); DFSJ 15 (Smyrna, fourth century C.E.), 20, 21, 28 (Sardis); 36, 37 (Side, fourth century C.E.).
48 Katherine M. D. Dunbabin, The Roman Banquet: Images of Conviviality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 104; See also Matthew B. Roller, Dining Posture in Ancient Rome: Bodies, Values and Status (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006), 12-13.
49Women were not portrayed as reclining at Greek banquets. For respectable women, see Jocelyn Penny Small, "Eat, Drink and Be Merry," in Murlo and the Etruscans: Art and Society in Ancient Etruria (ed. Richard Daniel De Puma and Jocelyn Penny Small; Wisconsin Studies in Classics; Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1994), 87-88; and Dunbabin, Roman Banquets, 115-17. For Hierapolis, see Francesco D'Andria, Hierapolis: An Archaeological Guide (Istanbul: Ege Yaynian Francesco D'Andria, 2003), 209.
50 Jean-Marie Dentzer, Le motif du banquet couché dans le Proche-Orient et le monde grec du VIIe au IVe siècle avant J.-C. (Bibliothèque des écoles françaises d'Athènes et de Rome 246e; Paris/ Rome: École française de Rome, 1982), 1; see also Dunbabin, Roman Banquet, 108; D. Dexheimer, "Portrait Figures on Funerary Altars of Roman Liberti in Northern Italy: Romanization or the Assimilation of Attributes Characterizing Higher Social Strata?" in Burial, Society and Context in the Roman World (ed. John Pearce, Martin Millett and Manuela Struck; Oxford: Oxbow, 2000).
51 McRae, "Corinthian Lord's Supper," 54. See also PMich. V.243 and 244; IHierapP 23; CIJ 777 (Hierapolis, second century c.e.); CBP 455 (Phrygia, third century C.E.); IG VII, 687, 688 (Tanagra, Boietia, 175 B.C.E.); Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas Pertinentes (ed. R. Cagnet et al.; Paris: E. Leroux, 1906-27), IV, 796 (Apameia, Bithynia); Ascough, Paul's Macedonian Associations, 25-28; Kloppenborg, "Collegia and Thiasoi," 21-23.
52 McLean, "Agrippinilla Inscription," 269.
53 Crook, "Honor, Shame," 608, citing Wendy Cotter, "Women's Authority Roles in Paul's Churches: Countercultural or Conventional?" NovT 36 (1994): 350-72.
54 Ascough, "Religious Duty," 584-99.
55 See also Moshe Weinfeld, The Organizational Pattern and the Penal Code of the Qumran Sect: A Comparison with Guilds and Religious Associations of the Hellenistic-Roman Period (NTOA 2; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1986), 26 (1QS 6:4, 8-9).
56 IDelos 1520.
57 For example, the Iobakchoi; see IG II/2, 1368; CIL XIV, 2112 (Lanuvium, Italy, 136 c.e.).
58 Holt N. Parker, "The Observed of all Observers," in The Art of Ancient Spectacle (ed. Bettina Bergmann and Christine Kondoleon; Studies in the History of Art; Washington, DC: National Gallery of Art, 1999), 167.
59 IDelos 1520 and 1521 (second century b.c.e.).
60 See McRae, "Corinthian Lord's Supper," appendix B; John D'Arms, "The Roman Convivium and the Idea of Equality," in Sympotica: A Symposium on the Symposion (ed. Oswyn Murray; Oxford: Clarendon, 1990), 309.
61 Claude Grignon, "Commensality and Social Morphology: An Essay of Typology," in Food, Drink and Identity: Cooking, Eating and Drinking in Europe since the Middle Ages (ed. Peter Scholliers; Oxford/New York: Berg, 2001), 28-29.
62 See Richard S. Ascough, "Defining Community-Ethos in Light of the 'Other': Recruitment Rhetoric among Greco-Roman Religious Groups," Annali di storia dell'esegesi 24 (2007): 53-70.
63 IG II/2, 1368 (175-76 C.E.).
64 IDelos 1519 and 1521 (second century B.C.E.); IG II/2, 1283 (Piraeus, 261/260 B.C.E.); IG II/2, 1327 (Piraeus); SIG 3, 1106 (Kos, 300 B.C.E.); IG IX/1, 670 (Phycos, second century C.E.); PLille Dem. 29 (Souchos, Egypt, 223 B.C.E.); PCairo Dem. 30605,6 (Tebtunis, 157/156 B.C.E.); CIL XIV, 2112 (Lanuvium 136 C.E.). PMich. V.243,4 (Tebtunis, 43 C.E.).
65 IG II/2, 1369 (Athens, second century C.E.); IG II/2, 1291 (Piraeus, third century B.C.E.); IG II/2, 1365,6 (Laurion, first century C.E.); IG V/1, 1390 (Andania, 96 B.C.E.); IG X/2, 259 (Thessalonica, first century C.E.); SIG 3, 985 (Philadelphia, Lydia, first century B.C.E.).
66 Robin Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians in the Mediterranean World from the Second Century AD to the Conversion of Constantine (London: Penguin Books, 1986), 69; Charlotte Roueché, Performers and Partisans at Aphrodisias in the Roman and Late Roman Periods: A Study Based on Inscriptions from the Current Excavations at Aphrodisias in Caria (Leeds: W. S. Maney & Son, 1993), 24.
67 IMilet VI 22 (Miletus, 276 B.C.E.); SIG 3, 1012 (Kos, second/first century B.C.E.); IG II/2, 1328 (Piraeus, 183/182 B.C.E.); PLond. VII.2193.
68 IDelos 1523 (second century B.C.E.); IKosHerzog 8 (Kos, third century B.C.E.); IG II/2, 1368 (Iobakchoi, second century B.C.E.); IG II/2, 1369 (Athens, second century C.E.); IG V/1, 1390 (Andania); Weinfeld, Organizational Pattern of the Qumran Sect, 35-36 (1QS 7:3-5).
69 Linton, "House Church Meetings," 233; cf. Dunn, The Theology of Paul the Apostle (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998), 541.
70 IG II/2, 1368.
71 See Anthony C. Thiselton, The First Epistle to the Corinthians: A Commentary on the Greek Text (NIGTC; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000), 857; Ben Witherington III, Conflict and Community in Corinth: A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995), 247; Richard B. Hays, First Corinthians (Interpretation; Louisville: John Knox, 1997), 195; Richard A. Horsley, 1 Corinthians (ANTC; Nashville: Abingdon, 1998), 159; Craig S. Keener, 1-2 Corinthians (New Cambridge Bible Commentary; Cambridge/New York: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 2005), 96; Jerome Murphy-O'Connor, "The First Letter to the Corinthians," in NJBC, 808-9; Graydon F. Snyder, First Corinthians: A Faith Community Commentary (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1992), 155.
72 Campbell, " Does Paul Acquiesce in Divisions at the Lord's Supper?" NovT 33 (1991): 69.
73 IG II/2, 1291. See this use of the verb in IG II/2, 1368 (Athens, 175-77 c.e.); IG II/2, 1327 (Piraeus); IG II/2, 1252 + 999 (Athens, 300 b.c.e.); IG II/2, 1297 (Athens, 237 b.c.e.); IG II/2, 1273 (Piraeus, 281 b.c.e.); IG II/2, 1201 (Piraeus, 222 b.c.e.); IG II/2, 1361 (Piraeus, 350 b.c.e.); IDelos 1521 (166 b.c.e.); IDelos 1519 (153 b.c.e.); IG XII/3, 330 (Thera, 210 b.c.e.); SIG 3, 0867.
74 IG II/2, 1275.
75 IG XII/3, 330 (Thera, 210 b.c.e.).
76 SIG 3, 0867.
77 IG V/1, 1390 (Andania, 96 b.c.e.).
78 Richard S. Ascough, "Benefaction Gone Wrong," in Text and Artifact in the Religions of Mediterranean Antiquity: Essays in Honor of Peter Richardson (ed. Stephen G. Wilson and Michel Desjardins; Studies in Christianity and Judaism 9; Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2000), 105.
79 Paul's teachings to the Corinthians on mutual servanthood are found in 1 Cor 9:19-27; 10:31-33; mutual upbuilding in love in 1 Cor 8:1-3; 10:16-17; 12:12-13:13; 14:26; 16:14; and power in weakness (humility) in 1 Cor 1:19-31; 2:10-16, 18-20.
80 Neyrey, Honor and Shame in the Gospel of Matthew, 42.
81 Ascough, "Benefaction Gone Wrong," 104.
82 In the following paragraph, I am indebted to Malina and Neyrey, "Honor and Shame in Luke-Acts," 65, for their analogies of the new value system to the Acts of the Apostles.
rachel m. mcrae
Queen's School of Religion, Kingston, ON K7L 0A1, Canada…
Questia, a part of Gale, Cengage Learning. www.questia.com
Publication information: Article title: Eating with Honor: The Corinthian Lord's Supper in Light of Voluntary Association Meal Practices. Contributors: McRae, Rachel M. - Author. Journal title: Journal of Biblical Literature. Volume: 130. Issue: 1 Publication date: Spring 2011. Page number: 165+. © Society of Biblical Literature Winter 2008. Provided by ProQuest LLC. All Rights Reserved.
This material is protected by copyright and, with the exception of fair use, may not be further copied, distributed or transmitted in any form or by any means.