The notion of a two-tier party system comes from the work of Everett Carll
Ladd. See especially, Ladd with
Charles D. Hadley, Transformations of the American
Party System ( New York: Norton, 1978) and Ladd, "Like Waiting for Godot: The
Uselessness of 'Realignment' for Understanding Change in Contemporary American Politics," in
Byron E. Shafer, ed., The End of Realignment? Interpreting American
Electoral Eras ( Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), pp. 24-36. James Q.
Wilson introduced his theory of dealignment in Wilson, "Realignment at the Top,
Dealignment at the Bottom," in
Austin Ranney, ed., The American Elections of 1984
( Durham, N.C.: American Enterprise Institute/Duke University Press, 1985), pp. 277-310.
The use of the term "unAmerican" here is not meant to be an ideological
judgment, as if Joseph McCarthy were using it. Instead it reflects the approach of
one of the better textbooks in comparative politics I remember reading as an
undergraduate. In his classic text on the British political system, Douglas V. Verney
argued that British government could only be expected to be "unAmerican" because
it was, after all, British. The point here, then, is that American political parties are
developing now along institutional patterns that are historically unAmerican. See Douglas V. Verney, British Government and Politics: Life without a Declaration of
Independence ( New York: Harper and Row, 1976).
All data on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Presidential and Congressional
elections of that year are drawn or derived from Congressional Quarterly Almanac
1964 ( Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly, 1965).
Theodore H. White, The Making of the President 1964 ( New York: Atheneum, 1965), pp. 162-189.
Harold W. Stanley and
Richard G. Niemi, eds., Vital Statistics on American
Politics, 4th ed. ( Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly, 1994), pp. 128-129.
See, in particular,
Ladd, "Political Parties and Presidential Elections in the
Postindustrial Era," in
Harvey L. Schantz, American Presidential Elections: Process,
Policy, and Political Change ( Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), pp. 189-210.
Angus Campbell, "Surge and Decline: A Study of Electoral Change," Public
Opinion Quarterly 24 ( 1960): 397-418. See also James E. Campbell, "Explaining
Presidential Losses in Midterm Congressional Elections," Journal of politics 47 ( 1985): 1140-1157; "Predicting Seat Gains from Presidential Coattails," American Journal of
Political Science 30 ( 1986): 165-183; and "The Revised Theory of Surge and Decline," American Journal of Political Science 31 ( 1987): 965-979.
See Gerald H. Kramer, "'Short-Term Fluctuations in U.S. Voting Behavior," The
American Political Science Review 65 ( 1971): 131-143; Donald R. Kinder and
D. Roderick Kiewiet
, "Economic Discontent and Political Behavior: The Role of Personal Grievances and Collective Economic Judgments in Congressional Voting," American Journal of political Science 23 ( 1979): 495-527; and Edward R. Tufte, "Determinants of Outcomes in Mid-Term Congressional Elections," The American Political
Science Review 69 ( 1975): 812-826.
Barbara Hinckley, Congressional Elections ( Washington D.C.: Congressional
Quarterly, 1981). See also Walter Dean Burnham, "Insulation and Responsivenessin Congressional Elections,"