Realignment and Party Revival: Understanding American Electoral Politics at the Turn of the Twenty-First Century

By Arthur Paulson | Go to book overview

NOTES
1.
The notion of a two-tier party system comes from the work of Everett Carll Ladd. See especially, Ladd with Charles D. Hadley, Transformations of the American Party System ( New York: Norton, 1978) and Ladd, "Like Waiting for Godot: The Uselessness of 'Realignment' for Understanding Change in Contemporary American Politics," in Byron E. Shafer, ed., The End of Realignment? Interpreting American Electoral Eras ( Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), pp. 24-36. James Q. Wilson introduced his theory of dealignment in Wilson, "Realignment at the Top, Dealignment at the Bottom," in Austin Ranney, ed., The American Elections of 1984 ( Durham, N.C.: American Enterprise Institute/Duke University Press, 1985), pp. 277-310.
2.
The use of the term "unAmerican" here is not meant to be an ideological judgment, as if Joseph McCarthy were using it. Instead it reflects the approach of one of the better textbooks in comparative politics I remember reading as an undergraduate. In his classic text on the British political system, Douglas V. Verney argued that British government could only be expected to be "unAmerican" because it was, after all, British. The point here, then, is that American political parties are developing now along institutional patterns that are historically unAmerican. See Douglas V. Verney, British Government and Politics: Life without a Declaration of Independence ( New York: Harper and Row, 1976).
3.
All data on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Presidential and Congressional elections of that year are drawn or derived from Congressional Quarterly Almanac 1964 ( Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly, 1965).
4.
See Theodore H. White, The Making of the President 1964 ( New York: Atheneum, 1965), pp. 162-189.
5.
Ibid., pp. 184-186.
6.
Harold W. Stanley and Richard G. Niemi, eds., Vital Statistics on American Politics, 4th ed. ( Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly, 1994), pp. 128-129.
7.
See, in particular, Ladd, "Political Parties and Presidential Elections in the Postindustrial Era," in Harvey L. Schantz, American Presidential Elections: Process, Policy, and Political Change ( Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), pp. 189-210.
8.
Angus Campbell, "Surge and Decline: A Study of Electoral Change," Public Opinion Quarterly 24 ( 1960): 397-418. See also James E. Campbell, "Explaining Presidential Losses in Midterm Congressional Elections," Journal of politics 47 ( 1985): 1140-1157; "Predicting Seat Gains from Presidential Coattails," American Journal of Political Science 30 ( 1986): 165-183; and "The Revised Theory of Surge and Decline," American Journal of Political Science 31 ( 1987): 965-979.
9.
See Gerald H. Kramer, "'Short-Term Fluctuations in U.S. Voting Behavior," The American Political Science Review 65 ( 1971): 131-143; Donald R. Kinder and D. Roderick Kiewiet , "Economic Discontent and Political Behavior: The Role of Personal Grievances and Collective Economic Judgments in Congressional Voting," American Journal of political Science 23 ( 1979): 495-527; and Edward R. Tufte, "Determinants of Outcomes in Mid-Term Congressional Elections," The American Political Science Review 69 ( 1975): 812-826.
10.
Barbara Hinckley, Congressional Elections ( Washington D.C.: Congressional Quarterly, 1981). See also Walter Dean Burnham, "Insulation and Responsivenessin Congressional Elections,"

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