Arms Control and European Security

By Graeme P. Auton | Go to book overview

NOTES
1.
During the first stage all INF weapons were to be eliminated; in the second stage, strategic weapons were to be reduced by 50 percent, with an overall limit of no more than 6,000 warheads; and by the end of 1999 the goal of a nuclear- free world was to be reached. See New York Times, 16 January 1986, pp. 1-7.
2.
See Los Angeles Times, 8 December 1988, pp. 1, 28.
3.
See New York Times, 16 January 1986, p. 1.
4.
See John M. Broder, "'Skeptical U.S. Aides Ponder Kremlin 'Gift' of Troop Cut," Los Angeles Times, 8 December 1988, p. 28.
5.
For the Gallup surveys "leaders" were defined as senior government officials, members of Congress in policymaking positions, upper-level business executives, university presidents, and foreign-policy scholars, as well as interest group leaders.
6.
"Worldwide" arms control was also seen as a "very important" foreignpolicy goal by 69 percent of the public and 83 percent of the leaders.
7.
See The Gallup Report, no. 267 ( December 1987), pp. 19, 20.
8.
See The Gallup Poll, 7 December 1987.
9.
William A. Galston and Christopher J. Makins, "Campaign' 88 and Foreign Policy," Foreign Policy no. 71 (Summer 1988): p. 5.
10.
Ibid.
11.
See The Gallup Report, no. 263 ( August 1987), p. 30. A similar public- opinion trend is visible in a New York Times-CBS poll taken 20-24 November 1987; see New York Times, 4 December 1987, pp. 1-17. Indeed, Gorbachev was among the ten men most admired by Americans (see New York Times, 10 January 1988).
12.
See Galston and Makins, "Campaign '88", p. 6.
13.
See The Gallup Report, no. 266 ( November 1987), p. 35.
14.
See German Information Center communication, 1 July 1987. In the same survey 58 percent of respondents favored an equal collaboration of the Federal Republic with the United States and the Soviet Union, a substantial change from views earlier in the 1980s when America was viewed as the greatly preferred partner.
15.
See Elizabeth and Philip Hastings, eds., Index to International Public Opinion, 1985-86 ( New York: Greenwood Press, 1987), p. 392.
16.
Press and Information Service of the Federal Government, 5300, Bonn 1, March 1987, p. 25.

-93-

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Arms Control and European Security
Table of contents

Table of contents

  • Title Page iii
  • Contents v
  • Acknowledgments vii
  • Introduction 1
  • 1: The Conceptual Dimensions of Arms Control 5
  • Notes 21
  • 2: Atlantic Security vs. Arms Control: A New European Imbalance? 25
  • Notes 38
  • Notes 38
  • 3: START, SDI, and Arms Control 41
  • Notes 56
  • 4: The Soviet Union and Arms Control 59
  • Notes 70
  • 5: Arms Control and Gorbachev: The View From the Public 73
  • Notes 93
  • 6: Conventional Arms Control in Europe: Beyond MBFR and CDE 95
  • Notes 108
  • 7: The CSCE Process: A Way to European Peace in Security 111
  • Notes 125
  • 8: Arms Control and NATO's Maritime Dimension 127
  • Notes 142
  • 9 - Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zones: A Northern European Perspective 145
  • 10: Political Accommodation and Conflict Avoidance: Superpower Accord on the Neutral Status of States 159
  • CONCLUSIONS 173
  • CONCLUSIONS 174
  • Selected Bibliography 179
  • Index 193
  • About the Editor and Contributors 203
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