Pacific-Asia and the Future of the World-System

By Ravi Arvind Palat | Go to book overview

prompted the devolution of power. Because civilian democrats have not resolved these problems which may eventually cause them to lose power, contemporary democratization should be seen as a devolutionary rather than a revolutionary process.


NOTES
1.
Walden Bello and Stephanie Rosenfeld ( 1990b: 434) have written, "Between 1951 and 1965, the United States pumped about $1.5 billion worth of economic aid into Taiwan . . . and financed 95 percent of Taiwan's trade deficit in the 1950s. Economic aid to South Korea was even larger, coming to almost $6 billion between 1945 and 1978--almost as much as the total aid provided to all African countries during the same period. More than 80 percent of Korean imports in the 1950s were financed by U.S. economic assistance."

Some estimates of U.S. aid are higher, Rep. Robert Mrazek told Congress that United States investment in South Korea had totaled "almost $100 billion since 1954" ( Halloran, 1989).

2.
"The return to democratic government has had less to do with the internal political situation in [Latin American] countries than with the economic crisis faced by military regimes. The military regimes collapsed primarily because of the external debt crisis that emerged in the early 1980" ( Richards, 1986: 449).
3.
"The reward for pliant Latin American elites is a regressive distribution that punishes the sectors that did not borrow while rewarding those that did with the socialization of their private liabilities even as their substantial private foreign assets [capital flight] remain untouched" ( Pastor, 1989b: 100).
4.
Marshal Dmitry Yazov has concluded, "What happened in Kuwait necessitates a review of our attitude to the country's entire defense system" ( Blitz, 1991).

-180-

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