elders. This is exactly why Hu Yaoban, Zhao Ziyang, and even Jiang Zeming,
his handpicked men, can hardly understand what he really wants.
Deng is reportedly trying to shuffle the military again in order to ensure that
there is no trouble for the new generation of party leaders, none of whom has
had a strong military background. The current campaign that the military should
obey the party can be seen as Deng's effort to get the military back to barracks,
a strategy he enticed Mao to use in 1975 to control the military after the chaotic
Cultural Revolution. Deng could succeed again, on condition that further economic reform continues without a serious threat to the communist regime,
Deng's mode of thinking is becoming more discernible. He has considered the
party and the central leader to be the elite representatives of the people. When
people were against the party and the leader, the people were just not smart
enough to understand the good intentions of the party leadership. The precedent
has been established that they have gone as far as to use the military to suppress
any threats to their regime. The question is, if new military actions occur after
Deng's death, can the new generation of party leaders, many of whom had no
military background, get the military back to the barracks? The answer can
hardly be positive.
Qing Shi Huang, Han Wu Di, Tang Tai Zong, Song Tai Zu, Qing Shi Zu, etc.
Sun Yat-sen's Xin Hai Revolution happened in 1911. On 12 February 1912, the Empress Dowager Lung Yu renounced in the name of the Child Emperor Xuan Tong
the Mandate of Heaven his imperial ancestor Shun Zhi had acquired in 1644. See Samuel B. Griffith II
, The Chinese People's Liberation Army ( New York: McGraw-Hill, 1967),
Yuan proclaimed himself the new emperor in December 1915, the fifth year after
the 1911 revolution. He died on 6 June 1916. His position and power disappeared with
At the Huang Pu's (Whampoa) opening address, Sun Yat-sen stated: "We have
established this academy in the hope that the revolutionary movement may be revitalized.
Therefore you, the cadets of this academy, must dedicate yourselves to forming the
backbone of the revolutionary army. Otherwise, failing to achieve this armed might, the
Chinese revolution will be foredoomed from its beginning. This academy, therefore, has
the sole purpose of creating a new revolutionary army for the salvation of China." See F. F. Liu, A Military History of Modern China (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1956), p. 8.
He was sent as a representative of Sun Yat-sen to visit the Soviet Union in 1925,
but the destructive behavior in the Soviet Union changed his attitudes towards communism. He said on a number of occasions later that China should not go the Russian way.
Mao Tse-tung, Selected Military Writings ( Peking: Peking Foreign Language
Press, 1961), p. 155. The last two points for attention were added after 1929.
Kau Ying-Mao, The People's Liberation Army and China's Nation Building
(White Plains, N.Y.: International Arts and Sciences Press, 1973), p. 106.
Questia, a part of Gale, Cengage Learning. www.questia.com
Book title: The Political Role of the Military:An International Handbook.
Contributors: Constantine P. Danopoulos - Editor, Cynthia Watson - Editor.
Publisher: Greenwood Press.
Place of publication: Westport, CT.
Publication year: 1996.
Page number: 67.
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