Race, Ethnicity, and Minority Housing in the United States

By Jamshid A. Momeni | Go to book overview
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Table 5.5
Section 221 (d)(3) and Section 236 Housing Constructed outside Dominant Central City for Selected SMSAs, 1968-1978
Section 221(d)(3)* Section 236
SMSA No. of
Project
No. of
Units
No. of
Project
No. of
Units
Atlanta 9 769 22 2,782
Chicago 19 2,317 24 3,888
Houston 1 120 4 730
Philadelphia 4 613 12 2,411
Richmond 0 0 na 936
San Diego 3 746 32 3,665
* Also includes Section 202 for elderly units.
Source: HUD ( 1985a).

ton added 4,071 Section 8 units to its suburbs, Atlanta added 5,100 units, and Chicago and Philadelphia registered gains of just over 12,000 units each. What is significant to note in the cases of Atlanta, Chicago, and Philadelphia, however, is that between 45 and 52 percent of their new subsidized units were designed for the elderly. In other words, the Section 8 program enabled suburbs to increase their stock of subsidized units while ensuring that they could be filled largely with white needy clients. The Section 8 data indicate that there was a significant dispersion after 1976 of subsidized housing into suburban communities that previously had resisted economic and racial integration (Table 5.6). Due to the lack of data on racial occupancy in suburban subsidized housing, it is impossible to determine precisely whether the increased opportunities have translated into benefits for blacks. The impression, however, is that the incidence of black suburbanization through federal housing assistance has been minimal.


Conclusion

The process of black suburbanization since the 1950s has brought about a discernable demographic redistribution of blacks in most major metropolitan areas by opening up the moderate and middle income neighborhoods

-83-

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