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Stepping Back: Nuclear Arms Control and the End of the Cold War

By: William B. Vogele | Book details

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spection issues were largely unproblematic, the United States created the conditions for the LTBT. By the same token, Kennedy's June 1963 announcement of a unilateral American test moratorium is widely credited with improving the political conditions of the LTBT endgame. Initiatives, however, were more frequently used by the Soviet side.

On the two occasions when the prospects for a comprehensive treaty brightened, the late 1950s and the late 1970s, progress in the negotiations was halted or reversed when American negotiators retracted standing offers, substantially revised their positions, or presented new and more demanding proposals. From the point of view of moving negotiations toward agreement, the U.S. use of tough strategy tactics was counterproductive. Notably, in the second instance, Soviet negotiators did not reciprocate the American behavior. Instead, they maintained the positions they had presented by 1978 on inspection and duration. Thus, if initiatives did not always succeed, they at least promoted progress, while tough strategies consistently obstructed agreement.

Finally, within those negotiations that led to agreement, the role of reciprocal behavior is clear. Both U.S. and Soviet negotiators responded in something similar to tit-for-tat in the bargaining for the LTBT, TTBT, and PNET agreements.


NOTES
1.
See Bernard Bechhoefer, Postwar Negotiations for Arms Control ( Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1961); John Barton and Lawrence Weiler, eds., International Arms Control ( Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1976); Seyom Brown, The Faces of Power: Constancy and Change in United States Foreign Policy from Truman to Reagan ( New York: Columbia University Press, 1983); Robert Divine, Blowing on the Wind ( New York: Oxford University Press, 1978).
2.
See Michael Bechloss, MayDay: Eisenhower, Khrushchev, and the U-2 Affair ( New York: Harper and Row, 1986).
3.
For discussions of these negotiations generally, see Ivo H. Daalder, "The Limited Test Ban Treaty," in Superpower Arms Control: Setting the Record Straight, ed. Albert Carnesale and Richard Haass ( Cambridge, MA: Ballinger, 1987); P. Terrence Hopmann, "Internal and External Influences on Bargaining in Arms Control Negotiations," in Peace, War and Number, ed. Bruce Russett ( Beverly Hills: Sage, 1972); Harold Jacobson and Eric Stein, Diplomats Scientists and Politicians ( Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1966); Christer Jönsson, Soviet Bargaining Behavior ( New York: Columbia University Press, 1979); Alan Neidle, "Nuclear Test Bans: History, Future and Prospects," in U.S.-Soviet Security Cooperation: Achievements, Failures, Lessons, ed. Alexander George , Philip J. Farley, and Alexander Dallin ( New York: Oxford University Press, 1988); Arthur Schlesinger, A Thousand Days: John F. Kennedy in the White House ( Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1965); and Glenn Seaborg, Kennedy, Khrushchev and the Test Ban ( Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981).
4.
Jacobson and Stein, Diplomats. Scientists and Politicians, pp. 277-278.
5.
Ibid., p. 381-389.
6.
See Herbert F. York, "The Great Test Ban Debate," in Arms Control: Readings from "Scientific American" ( New York: W. H. Freeman, 1980).

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