Terms of Engagement: The United States and the European Security Identity

By Michael Brenner; Jonathan Dean | Go to book overview

Notes

Chapter 1
1
On the impetus given the Maastricht process by the unsettling effects of German reunification, see George Ross, Jacques Delors and European Integration ( New York: Oxford University Press, 1995); David Buchan, Europe: The Strange Superpower (Brookfield, Vt.: Dartmouth, 1993); After the Cold War, Robert O. Keohane, Stanley Hoffmann, and Joseph S. Nye, eds. ( Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993); Hans Dietrich Genscher , Rebuilding a House Divided: A Memoir by the Architect of Germany's Reunification ( New York: Broadway Books, 1998); Roland Dumas, Le Fil et la Pélote. Mémoires ( Paris: Plon, 1996); Hubert Védrine, Les Mondes de François Mitterrand. A l'Elysée 1981-1995 ( Paris: Fayard, 1996).
2
The Maastricht Treaty of European Union incorporates defense and security under the broader concept of a Common Foreign and Security Policy. The term "identity" does not appear. It is used in the WEU Declaration issued at the Maastricht summit, which interestingly refers to a "genuine" ESDI.
3
Philip Gordon, "Does the WEU Have a Role"? Washington Quarterly 20, no. 1 (Winter 1977): 135. For a searching analysis of the complex interplay between post-Cold War Atlantic relations and EU construction, see Simon Serfaty, Stay the Course: European Unity and Atlantic Solidarity ( Westport, Conn.: Praeger/CSIS, 1997).
4
Secretary of State James A. Baker III, Speech to the Berlin Press Club, December 11, 1989. President Bill Clinton, Remarks to Citizens in Brussels, January 1994. Clinton, Remarks Made at the Signing Ceremony of the NATO-Russia Founding Act, Paris, May 27, 1997.
5
Remarks by Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott to the U.S.- EU Conference, Washington, D.C., May 6, 1997.
6
Disquiet over the emerging policy of encouraging European con

-104-

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