Both oblast and city were named Gorky between 1932 and 1991.
See the report by
Grigorii Yavlinskii EPItsentr team, Nizhegorodskii Prolog:
ekonomika i politika v Rossii ( Nizhnii Novgorod: Tsenovaia Politika, 1992).
For example, industrial production fell by only 4.2 percent in 1993 compared
with 16.2 percent in Russia as a whole, one of the smallest declines in the country. "O
Khode Ekonomicheskoi Reformy v Nizhegorodskoi Oblasti," vol. 2 ( Nizhnii
Novgorod: Nizhegorodskii Oblastnoi Komitet po Statistike, 1994).
For a discussion of the challenges facing this city in the post-Soviet era, see Kimberly Marten Zisk
, "Arzamas-16: Economics and Security in a Closed Nuclear City," Post-Soviet Affairs, vol. 11, no. 1 ( January-March 1995), pp. 57-80.
This phenomenon is described, in the comparative context of other Russian regions, by A. Magomedov, "Politicheskiye Elity Rossiiskoi Provintsii," Mirovaya
Ekonomika i Mezhdunarodniye Otnosheniya, no. 4 ( 1994), pp. 72-79.
For a discussion of the problems that have arisen from conflicts between these institutions in other regions, see Jeffrey W. Hahn, "Conclusions: Common Features of
Post-Soviet Local Politics," in
Theodore H. Friedgut and
Jeffrey W. Hahn, eds., Local
Power and Post-Soviet Politics (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1994), p. 272.
Gorky, as it was after 1932, became known as a "school for cadres," a region
where promising young party officials were sent to gain experience. Lazar Kaganovich
and Andrei Zhdanov, for example, both served time as obkom first secretary there.
Another reason for the political stability of the region, therefore, is the absence of
conflict between the holders of these two positions.
These links were confirmed after the elections when Krest'yaninov was repeatedly urged--and declined--to stand for the position of deputy speaker in the new Federation Council.
Approval of the government's social and economic policies (question 2) in the April 1993 referendum was 3.6 percent higher than in the country as a whole.
Comparison of the 1991 presidential election with the 1993 referendum shows
that Nizhnii Novgorod was one of only twenty-nine regions--and the only one north of
the 55th parallel--where support for Yeltsin fell between the two elections. A. Sobyanin
E. Gel'man, and
O. Kayunov, "Politicheskii Klimat v Rossii v 1991-1993," Mirovaya Ekonomika i Mezhdunarodniye Otnosheniya, no. 9, 1993, pp. 26-27. Local polls
also show that after mid-1992 voters increasingly distinguished between the reformist