American Foreign Policy
Mr. McCARTHY. Mr. President, while I hesitate to differ with the great minds which have been participating in the great debate, the thinking seems to have fallen principally into two definite grooves. I certainly do not intend to question that each of the two lines of thought has much to recommend it, but I feel very strongly that basically both schools of thought fall into one extreme fatal error. I should like to discuss that area of error at this time.
During World War II, much of which I spent in the Pacific with the Marine Air Corps as a combat Intelligence officer--a Pacific which I came to know better than my own backyard--I was more and more impressed with the wisdom and farseeing intelligence of those great statesmen who long ago disappeared into the caverns of history, but who in their time initiated one of the most long-standing and most successful phases of our foreign policy. Our foreign policy for the East has until recently been as unchangeable as this Nation's belief in justice. It was the policy of maintaining a neutral friendly China at all costs. This was based on the theory that if the vast teeming millions of China were friendly to the United States and remained neutral, no power from Asia or the Pacific could threaten our western shore. Those statesmen of the past and their successors down to the ill-fated years of the late 1930's had one major aim in all the Pacific--a neutral and friendly China, both for the protection of America and for peace in the Pacific.
When the war ended and I got back to this country, I was very forcibly impressed by the fact that this foreign policy was being changed without the knowledge, consent, or approval of the American people, and was being changed without either of the major political parties having ever advocated the change which was taking place. I, and countless other Americans, discovered a traitorous and Insidiously clever campaign of propaganda to persuade us the Americans, that our friends were our enemies and our enemies were our friends. It was a campaign to persuade us on the one hand that all the leaders friendly to America and to our way of life were corrupt, greedy, degenerate men, and on the other hand that every enemy and every potential enemy represented the new forces of democracy, the new reformers, the new party of land reform, and so forth, ad infinitum.
One of the promises which I made to the people of Wisconsin during my campaign for the United States Senate was to try to do something about this Washington-spearheaded propaganda which threatened the life of America.
When I came to the Senate I found that this attempt to sell out our friends to our enemies was not unnoticed, nor was it going unchallenged. Men like Senator WILLIAM KNOWLAND, Senator STYLES BRIDGES, Congressmen WALTER JUDD and others were calling attention to the situation in a most clear-cut and intelligent fashion. It was clear, too, however, that their efforts were getting but scant attention from the American press and the American people. In fact, men like Senator KNOWLAND were having difficulty even getting the courtesy of an answer to their letters directed to the Secretary of State.
While it looked like a hopeless task, I had no choice but to devote my efforts to help those who were fighting against this betrayal of our Nation.
Mr. WHERRY. Mr. President, will the Senator yield for a question?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Wisconsin yield to the Senator from Nebraska?
Mr. McCARTHY. I am glad to yield.
Mr. WHERRY. I do not wish in any way to detract from the high compliment paid to the Senator from California, the Senator from New Hampshire, or to Representative JUDD, or to the others mentioned by the distinguished Senator from Wisconsin, but his remark, "While It looked like a hopeless task," reminds me that certain of us, prior to the time the Senator came to the Senate, were doing our level best to accomplish what the Senator says he