Federalism and the Organization of Political Life: Canada in Comparative Perspective

By Herman Bakvis | Go to book overview

Footnotes
1.
On might add that certain practices which are considered by some to be consociational are, in fact, not, insofar as certain features, (e.g., distinctive subcultures) are lacking. This will become evident later in the paper.
2.
As Wolinetz ( 1978) points out, elite accommodation is a feature of virtually all democratic societies. Elite accommodation in itself would not necessarily indicate that the system in question is consociational in nature. Consociational democracy involves dissensus at the mass level and accommodative behaviour on the part of the leaders of conflicting groups. Such behaviour can be classified as consociational practice. One can also label consociational elite behaviour which ensures control over their followers and/or enforces the rules of secrecy.
3.
What these diverging goals and interests are has never been spelled out by Lijphart ( 1968) in the case of the Netherlands. One goal of the blocs would be maintaining cultural distinctiveness and integrity, but this would not necessarily result in conflict. Elsewhere, Lijphart (1977a) indicates that, in the case of developing societies, the goal of ethnic groups is often dominance over other groups, but that conflict can be averted through consociational means.
4.
See Daalder, 1974a, 1974b; Barry, 1975; McRae, 1974b; Obler et al, 1977.
5.
Particularly after World War II, the Socialist and Catholic trade union federations converged in the areas of services and wage demands. In 1976, the two organizations came together to form a Catholic/socialist trade union federation.
6.
For a detailed discussion of these changes, see Wolinetz ( 1973).
7.
The Catholic Church was aided by relatively late industrialization in the Netherlands. Catholic priests could see what had happened in countries like Britain, France, and Germany, and they acted accordingly.
8.
The Saskatchewan Progressive Conservative Party said that although the NDP government had made errors in its legislation, it was supporting the government because it was pro-Saskatchewan and anti-Ottawa. The provincial Liberal Party, which supported Ottawa, lost all its seats in the 1978 provincial election. (See PausJensen, 1979).
9.
Cairns ( 1979) notes that there are two variants of intra-state, as opposed to inter-state, federalism. One variant features direct provincial government representation in the central policy-making process, the other was regional and linguistic representation through such mechanisms as the federal parties, a revised Senate with regional representatives appointed by the federal parties or the federal government (e.g., Bill C-60). I think, however, that Cairns glosses over the distinction between the two. The former would dilute the centre and come closer to the consociational model. The latter, if the strategy works, would help revitalize the central government by getting regional representatives to develop a commitment to central institutions and, therefore, would not be incompatible with inter-state federalism. (See also Smiley, 1971).
10.
It should be stressed that the demands by Quebec for special status can be seen as quite justifiable, since, over the long run, French-Canadians received considerably less than a proportionate share of many of the benefits disbursed by the federal government (e.g., civil service positions); and, of course, their unique culturallinguistic identity adds legitimacy to their claims.
11.
Historically, French-Canadians in Quebec have opted for protection of Quebec's integrity if a trade-off had to be made between protecting French-Canadians outside of Quebec by means of the federal government or minimizing federal government

-88-

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