Graeme Russell
Macquarie University

Societal assumptions and research in Australia, as well as family and em-
ployment policies, present a mixture of perspectives about fatherhood. At one
level, there is the constantly stated claim that Australian males (and presumably
fathers too) are extremely chauvinistic, and that the Australian family is rigidly
patriarchal (cf. Bryson, 1984). Stagoll ( 1983, p. 17), in reviewing family thera-
py in Australia, has argued that Australian men are "left out of family life, taking
refuge in self-conscious masculinity around sport, 'ockerdom' (defined as
boorish, uncouth chauvinistic Australianism) and alcohol as compensation."
Consistent with this "chauvinistic" perspective is the Government's insistence
that family allowances (a benefit given to those who have dependent children)
can be paid only to the mother, even if it is the father who is the full-time
caregiver. In contrast to these views, research indicates that there are few dif-
ferences between Australian and other Western fathers regarding participation in
childcare ( Russell & Radin, 1983). This is true both for findings about modal
patterns and about the incidence of highly involved, nurturant, and sensitive
fathers ( Harper, 1980; Russell, 1983a).

There is also a cultural diversity within Australia which restricts considerably
generalizations that can be made about fatherhood. For one, there is the aborig-
inal population, which ranges from traditional tribal groupings in the north of
Australia, to groups residing in small country towns, to those living in clearly
defined areas in major cities. Although the largest single population group is of
Anglo-Saxon origin (with the majority having been born in Australia), there has
been a strong emphasis on immigration from non-Anglo-Saxon countries since
the Second World War. The largest numbers have come from Italy, Greece,

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