The aim of the last four chapters has been to defend market
economies--in particular, market socialism--against various
ethical charges that are often laid against them. I have tried to
show that markets, when suitably framed, may satisfy consumers'
desires efficiently, may be distributively just, may avoid exploi-
tation and alienation. In each case, however, there has been a
caveat. To achieve these desirable aims, markets must be com-
plemented by agencies of government that regulate their out-
comes, and more generally express the collective will. The belief
that markets will do everything we want, provided only that we set
them running from the right starting point, is chimerical.

A defence of market socialism must, therefore, address the
question of how these desirable policies may be achieved. This
means examining the nature of the political system. It is no use
viewing government as a benign perpetual motion machine that
will turn out whichever policies we deem to be appropriate. We
must give some account of the human agents who have in practice
to turn its wheels (who they are, how they are related, what
motivates them). Moreover we must do this in the knowledge that
most ordinary citizens will also be actively engaged in market
relations, as producers and consumers. We cannot turn a blind
eye to the interests and beliefs that this will unavoidably generate
in them, and begin our account with purely political animals.

In short, we need a socialist theory of politics to complement
our socialist theory of economic markets. The purpose of this
final part of the book is to begin formulating such a theory. The
next chapter looks at the nature of politics itself, and the two
following ones at aspects of the question whether and in what
respects the role of government ought to be limited. ¹ Here I

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