one; the successive fates of Castlereagh, of Liverpool, and of Canning, spoke to him in tones of warning of the inexorable strain of public affairs, and his overwrought nerves accepted the omen conveyed in Macaulay's statement that no man past sixty had ever led the House of Commons,--a generalisation so soon to be overthrown by three men who were then sitting in the House of Commons with Macaulay. But whatever his personal feeling and intentions may have been, it is clear, from the state of parties, that during the few years which remained to him no question of his return to power could disturb the fallen minister's repose. His former followers were scattered; those who adhered to him were, as was said at the time, a handful of statesmen without a party, the remainder a party without statesmen. In these circumstances Peel's course was clear. Recognising that no Government was possible except that which succeeded him, he resolved to give that Government an independent support, and especially to assist it in defending, maintaining, and developing the policy of free trade, for which he had made so heavy and withal so patriotic a sacrifice. Accordingly, on almost every important question which arose in the four years from 1846 to 1850, Sir Robert Peel gave the assistance of his immense public authority to the Ministry which supplanted him. Those were the years of the Irish famine followed by an abortive rebellion, of the Revolution in France, of the Chartist agitation in England, of the railway mania and its attendant finan- cial crises, involving renewed attacks on the policy of the Bank Charter Act, of the Spanish marriages, and other excitements and anxieties in the department of -239- |