| | American founding, Richard K. Matthews concluded with the observation that "not one was critical of the founding itself' or "could be considered a critical analysis." 2 Perhaps the complacency and self-righteousness of the Reagan years have blighted bicentennial scholarship, but such an observa- tion would not have been made in the 1960s regarding Hannah Arendt's On Revolution. Appreciating the uniqueness of the American Revolution and its attendant circumstances and achievements, Arendt was nonetheless able to see that the Revolution, "while it had given freedom to the people, had failed to provide a space where this freedom could be exercised. Only the representatives of the people, not the people themselves, had an opportu- nity to engage in those activities of 'expressing, discussing and deciding' which in a positive sense are the activities of freedom." And she pointed precisely to the men of the Philadelphia Convention, who had failed to find a way to embrace without smothering the winged hopes of the ordinary people caught up in those great events: "Paradoxical as it may sound, it was in fact under the impact of the Revolution that the revolutionary spirit in this country began to wither away, and it was the Constitution itself, this greatest achievement of the American people, which eventually cheated them of their proudest possession." 3 ____________________ | 2 | Liberalism, Civic Humanism, and the American Revolution: Understanding Genesis, Journal of Politics 49 ( November 1987): 1127-53. Important recent additions to this literature include Terence Ball and J. C.A. Pocock, eds., Conceptual Change and the Constitution ( Lawrence, Kans., 1988); Richard Beeman et al., eds., Beyond Confederation: Origins of the Constitution and American National Identity (Chapel Hill, 1987); Herman Belz et al., eds., To Form a More Perfect Union: The Critical Ideas of the Constitution (Charlottesville, 1992); Leonard W. Levy and Dennis J. Mahoney, eds., The Framing and Ratification of the Constitution ( New York, 1987); Michael Lienesch, New Order of the Ages: Time, the Constitu- tion, and the Making of Modern American Political Thought (Princeton, 1988); David E. Narrett and Joyce S. Goldberg, eds., Essays in Liberty and Federalism: The Shaping of the United States Constitution (College Station, Tex., 1988); Thomas L. Pangle, The Spirit of Modern Republicanism: The Moral Vision of the American Founders and the Philosophy of Locke ( Chicago, 1988); and Niel L. York, ed., Toward a More Perfect Union: Six Essays on the Constitution ( Provo, Utah, 1988). | | 3 | On Revolution ( New York, 1965); quotations, pp. 238, 242. Drawing on Lewis Mumford, and through him on Ralph Waldo Emerson, Arendt found in the New England towns a type of self-regulating grass-roots government, parallel to the sociétés populaires (crushed by Robes- pierre), the early soviets (crushed by the Bolsheviks), and the German Räte, which similarly found no role in the Weimar constitution; pp. 238, 265- 66, 290. For a valuable examination of Arendt's reading of the Declaration see Bonnie Honig, "Declarations of Independence: Arendt and Derrida on the Problem of Founding a Republic," American Political Science Review 85 ( March 1991): 97-113. On Arendt's public sphere see Dana R. Villa, "Postmodernism and the Public Sphere," American Political Science Review 86 ( September 1992): 712-21, and Seyla Benhabib , "Models of Public Space: Hannah Arendt, the Liberal Tradition, and Jürgen Habermas," in Craig Calhoun, ed., Habermas and the Public Sphere ( Cambridge, Mass., 1992). | -2- | |