sion of representative self-government was developed after 1952,
based in part upon a system of advisory councils.

In preindependence years the ethnic Hutu made up approxi-
mately 83 percent of the population, and the pygmoid Twa less
than 1 percent. The Tutsi, accounting for about 16 percent, still
held most of their traditional authority and influence in the social
and political structure.

Old rivalries and feuds, usually suppressed during the periods
of German and Belgian control, were diverted into political ma-
neuvering during the 1950's, and more than 15 political parties
demanded recognition. Two of these dominated the field by the
end of 1960--the National Unity and Progress Party ( Unité et
progrès national--UPRONA) and the Christian Democratic
Party ( Parti démocrate Chrétien--PDC) (see Historical Setting,
ch. 2).

Tutsi-Hutu factionalism continued when the nation became fully
independent as a constitutional monarchy on July 1, 1962. From
1962 to 1966 political conflicts continued. The Constitution was
suspended in mid-1966, and on November 28 of that year Army
Captain Michel Micombero, then Prime Minister, announced that
the military leaders had decided to end the rule of the monarchy.
A 13-man Revolutionary Council assumed control, with Micom-
bero as President (see Political and Government Systems, ch. 6).

In 1969 this Government continued to control the nation, ruling
by presidential edict. There was little of the dissidence and vio-
lence of the pre-1966 period. As head of the State and of
UPRONA, the only political party, Micombero had great per-
sonal authority which he generally used with restraint. After
consolidating control he had, for the most part, avoided punitive
measures against the restive leaders of the Hutu majority, and
had accepted a limited number of Hutu into administrative posi-
tions. He had worked for national unity and for economic develop-
ment along socialist lines. His government had avoided align-
ments with either Communist or Western nations, and had sought
good relationships with the neighboring states of Rwanda, Tan-
zania, and Congo ( Kinshasa).

In the 1965 census, 46 percent of the people were under 15
years of age, indicating that population growth will probably
put increasing pressure on the land during the 1970's.

The Burundi child lives amid the local kin group, and is taught
the social values and religious beliefs of his forefathers, includ-
ing total resignation to the will of Imana, the Supreme Being
and source of all good. Acceptance of Imana's will and an im-
mutable future helps to explain the subsistence farmers' uncom-
plaining acceptance of a precarious survival of an inadequate

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