interest. Whether in the Presidential Campaign
of 1904 Roosevelt was aware that the ancient
tradition of corporate subscriptions had or had
not been followed, and the exact and ultimate
measure of the guilt that knowledge would have
implied -- this in the year 1912 is enough to start
the Senate on a protracted man-hunt.

Now if one half of the people is bent upon
proving how wicked a man is and the other half
is determined to show how good he is, neither
half will think very much about the nation. An
innocent paragraph in the New York Evening
Post for August 27, 1912, gives the whole per-
formance away. It shows as clearly as words
could how disastrous the good-and-bad-man theory
is to political thinking:

"Provided the first hearing takes place on Sep-
tember 30, it is expected that the developments
will be made with a view to keeping the Colonel
on the defensive. After the beginning of Oc-
tober, it is pointed out, the evidence before the
Committee should keep him so busy explaining
and denying that the country will not hear much
Bull Moose doctrine."

Whether you like the Roosevelt doctrines or
not, there can be no two opinions about such an
abuse of morality. It is a flat public loss, an-

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