the nation; that it strictly conserves the practice of public discussion at every stage of a public trans- action; that it requires the holders of high office to be prepared to vindicate their acts before a tribunal, which can punish them by dismissal, if it is dis- satisfied or unconvinced. It creates a real sovereign power, which is supreme in every department of state, and in every region both of legislation and administration; and it makes it possible to carry out, by the normal course of constitutional pro- cedure, reforms and changes of the most compre- hensive character, provided they are really desired by the majority of the electors. The Parliamentary type of government is fre- quently contrasted with the presidential and federal types, the only other forms that seem likely to hold their own in free and civilised communities which have passed beyond the phase of autocratic monarchy. From De Tocqueville downwards the comparison has often been drawn. Foreign observers, naturally desirous of improving their own institutions, have sometimes over-emphasised the merits of the Eng- lish system. Perhaps they do not always see how much it depends upon circumstances which may be called local or accidental. The mixture contains numerous ingredients, "traces," as the analysts say, of many diverse elements, and if one is omitted, or introduced in undue proportion, the whole flavour of the resultant is altered. None of the imitations, with which the world is covered from Norway to New Zealand, exactly reproduces the original. In one country, they have failed to provide for the secrecy and collective responsibility of the council of ministers; in another, there may not exist a -45- |