the notice of posterity, because in it are candidly and ably discussed the principles of freedom and the topics of government -- which will be always interesting to man- kind so long as they shall be connected in civil society." The "notice of posterity" for the stern yet hopeful mes- sage of The Federalist has never been more attentive than in these drawn-out years of peril for constitutional democracy. The immense prestige of this work seems especially remarkable when viewed in the light of its origins. The Federalist is essentially a collection of eighty-five letters to the public over the pseudonym of Publius that ap- peared at short intervals in the newspapers of New York City beginning on October 27, 1787. These letters were still appearing in late March, 1788, when the first thirty-six were issued in a collected edition. Continuous publication was halited with number 77 on April 4, then resumed June 14, and concluded August 16. In the meantime, a second volume containing numbers 37-85 was published May 28. Conceived in the pressure of a great crisis in human events, written with a haste that often bordered on the frantic, printed and published as if it were the most perishable kind of dady news, The Federalist bore few marks of immortality at birth. It was, in fact, only one of several hundred salvos in the loud war of words that accompanied the protracted struggle over ratification of the Constitution. That new charter of government, it will be remembered, had been agreed upon and signed at Philadelphia, September 17, 1781, transmitted to the Congress then existing under the Articles of Confedera- tion, and thereupon laid, with no great show of en- thusiasm, before the people of the United States. The approval of ratifying conventions in nine of the thirteen states was to bring the Constitution into effect. Few of its authors and supporters imagined that it would be easy to win such a margin of approval in the chaotic political circumstances of the world's first experiment in popular government over an extended area; all recog- nized that a clear-cut vote against the Constitution in any one of four key states would be enough by itself to de- stroy their hopes for "a more perfect Union." One of these states was was New York, among whose claims to a vital role in the affairs of the new republic -viii- |