focuses on the close ties between industrialists and the Democratic party leadership. It notices the relative powerlessness of workers and the absolute exclusion of blacks from political life. The alternate view, then, suggests that "progressivism" can be a misleading term; it masks the fact that the state's power holders, even as they invested in educa- tional and transportation improvements, were serving the interests of a narrow economic elite ( Finger 1981, 12-13). Political scientist V. O. Key ( 1949) subscribed to the alternate view of North Carolina's political economy. Although he praised the state's moderate race relations, he emphasized that North Carolina's economic progressivism was in fact conservatism, not liberalism. He character- ized the state as a "progressive plutocracy" whose power was subtle but complete: Industrialization has created a financial and business elite whose influence prevails in the state's political and economic life. An ag- gressive aristocracy of manufacturing and banking, centered around Greensboro, Winston-Salem, Charlotte and Durham, has had a tremendous stake in state policy and has not been remiss in protecting and advancing what it visualizes as its interests. Con- sequently a sympathetic respect for the problems of corporate capital and of large employers permeates the state's politics and government. For half a century an economic oligarchy has held sway (p. 211 ).
This book adopts Key's definition of progressivism. According to Key, a North Carolina progressive is committed to economic change and believes that corporate leaders should control this change in order to benefit the state's business community. The public prospers when business does ( Key 1949, 214-15). As background to this book's analysis of contemporary Tar Heel politics, this chapter examines briefly some major political events in North Carolina from the late nineteenth cen- tury to the mid-twentieth century. Two points are central. First, North Carolina's moderate reputation in race relations during the early twenti- eth century ignores the white leadership's harsh repression of black political participation just before 1900. Second, the Tar Heel interest in industrialization says nothing about the economic and political condi- tions faced by the growing numbers of factory workers. The reality is that business control of laborers went hand in hand with political con- trol of black protest. -2- |