deeper insight, of broader experience and a sharpened sense of values, is
indeed of the essence in the co-operative process upon which constitutional
democracy depends for its success. In revising the earlier edition, an effort
has been made to live up to this task of critical scholarship. While the basic
approach remains, the varied experiences of the past ten years provide
numerous occasions for revision of detail, as well as for some major additions.
Two entirely new chapters have been added, one on problems of local
government, the other on socialization and planning, and half a chapter has
been added to the discussion of constitutional dictatorship to outline the
hitherto neglected problems of military government. My experience in the
intervening years, as well as a number of studies and inquiries, had convinced
me that a consideration of constitutional democracy without attention to
"grass-roots democracy" must remain incomplete. My work and studies
in the field of propaganda and public opinion, and more especially of the
control of radio broadcasting, as well as my experience in the teaching and
practice of military government, all pointed toward this conclusion. On
the other hand, no one who considers the shape of constitutional develop-
ment in postwar Europe can help realizing that socialization and planning
are becoming, for better or for worse, established features of constitutional
democracy. And in spite of American protestations to the contrary, the
United States herself is deeply involved in these trends. On the regional
level, for instance, I had the pleasure of helping to shape the Plan for Greater
Boston ( 1945), which was accorded first prize by a group hardly to be
classified as radical. On the international level, the United States, by put-
ting forward the Marshall Plan, urged and at times insisted upon the very
planning which those Europeans who had talked loudest but had done least
hesitated to put into effect. Even on the national level the efforts in Britain,
France, and Sweden, to name only three, lacked the full democratic backing
without which their success within the setting of constitutional democracy
could not be considered even probable, as I had opportunity to learn at
first hand when accompanying the Congressional Committee on Foreign
Aid (Herter Committee) to Europe in 1947. But the importance of grass-
roots democracy as well as the vicissitudes of careless planning (involved as
it was in the Level of Industry Plan) was highlighted for me during my
experience in Germany in 1946, 1947, and 1948. Ever since my experience
during the War as Director of the Civil Affairs Training School at Harvard
University, the problem of what place to assign to military government in
the constitutional order had seemed to me of vital importance. This prac-
tical experience and an examination of the bitter controversies in both
Britain and the United States surrounding the conduct of military govern-
ment have led me to the conclusions now embodied in this volume.

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