biased and methodologically flawed. 1 According to the dominant psychol- ogy, human development is purported to have the following characteristics: it happens to individuals; it is an evolutionary, hierarchical, and essentially internal process; it evolves in a sequence of stages; it encompasses the emergence of the individuated self and the formation of identity through the interplay of attachment and separation; and it is neatly and meaningfully divisible into cognitive, physical, emotional, social, and other component parts. Maybe we have gotten it wrong all these years, some of us think. Maybe this model of human development, based on Western modes of thought (ancient philosophy and modern science), retains their dualistic presuppositions, especially the presupposition of an inner world and an outer reality. Maybe human beings are of such a qualitatively different nature from everything else that the methods of inquiry useful for the analysis of physical phenomena are inappropriate for the study of the human--social realm. Maybe development is mere ideology--a socially constructed myth and pseudoscientific term rather than something that actually occurs. Alternatively, perhaps development is real enough--not as something that happens in or to the individual, but as ongoing, continuously emergent, social-cultural, relational activity that people themselves create. Perhaps we have unwittingly been confusing the map (development according to psychology) with what it supposedly maps (the life activity of human beings). Delineating the problems with psychology's conception of human develop- ment and attempting to formulate a relational, activistic alternative is, in my view, one of the most potent of the current challenges posed to the paradigm of scientific psychology by critical and postmodern approaches. In chapters 1 and 2, I use these sources to examine the history and methodology of psychology's construction of development, learning, childhood, and other conceptions relevant to the role and functions of schooling. Of equal importance, I feel, is to socially situate the ideas put forth in this book and present the history of their production. Toward this end, I describe my particular social-cultural-political location ("where I am coming from," if you will). It is my view that the modern conception of development is antidevelop- mental and significantly contributes to arresting developmental activity and to educational failure. Furthermore, as learning theory (so-called) has become infused with developmental theory (so-called) over the past 30 years, the overly cognitive manner in which psychologists have come to think about thinking, learning, and development has become more perva- ____________________ | 1 | Problems with developmental theory are discussed extensively in chapter 2. In addition to the critical texts I draw on there ( Burman, 1994; Morss, 1990, 1993, 1995), the journal Theory & Psychology is a source of contemporary dialogue, especially a special issue guest edited by Bradley and Kessen ( 1993). See also the earlier works of Broughton ( 1987); Bulhan ( 1985); Gilligan ( 1982); and Henriques, Holloway, Urwin, Venn, and Walkerdine ( 1984). | -2- |