broken in the past. Autonomy of the other races would
mean their organization for the strengthening of Germany
until she had control of the resources of 200,000,000 for her
next war. . . . Such a settlement would be a mere truce
pending a strife more fierce hereafter. So long as pre-
datory militarism is not wholly destroyed no lasting peace
can be made."

Germany now proposes an armistice in order to enable
the representatives of the Central Powers and the Allies to
negotiate a peace on the general basis of peace indicated by
President Wilson in his address to Congress on January 8,
1918. This does not really commit Germany to anything
except that she is willing to talk about the subject matter
covered in the fourteen points by President Wilson in that
address. It involves an interminable discussion of what his
fourteen points mean and include. That address was made
nearly nine months ago. It was made before the Czecho-
Slovak and Jugoslav movements had crystalized into a de-
mand for independent governments. The President in his
reference to a settlement of an Austrian peace asked for 'the
freest opportunity for autonomous development.' Austria
evidently looks to a confederation under the dual monarchy.
We have now gone further as to the Czecho-Slavs and
recognized their independence. The message of January 8
was made before the full revelations as to Germany's poli-
cies in respect to Russian and the Baltic provinces, which
reek with bad faith, cruelty and a murderous plotting
with the insane Bolsheviki against the decent people of
Russia.

The President's fourteen points are stated in general
words, the only ones which he could use at such a time.
They are not stated in the specific terms upon which a treaty
of peace could be formulated or upon which any offer of the

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