as but three-fifths of a man in securing represen-
tation in Congress and in the electoral college; now
the old slaves were counted on the same basis as the
whites, though politically they were as barred from
the free expression of opinion as when they were
chattels. ¹ Senator Evarts declared that the "South
remained in heart, substance, and purpose what
it was in 1860. ² Senator Sherman compared the
"strange turn of events," by which political power
was intrusted to men who had formerly conspired
against the government, to the restoration of
Charles II.; and held it, like that restoration, "a
reproach to the civilization of the age." ³ Blaine
charged that the South was in power, not by law,
but by the outrage of law.

Stalwart Republicans were angered by the ap-
pointment of ex-Confederates to office, by votes of
southern congressmen against pension bills, and at
seeing the Confederate brigadiers once more "in
the saddle." Republicans found evidence of an
offensive partiality to the South when President
Cleveland signed a bill giving a pension to every
man who had served in the Mexican War, and within
twelve days refused to approve the dependent pen-
sion bill; for nearly all the beneficiaries of the former
lived in the southern states, while the latter were
northerners. It was angrily asserted that Cleve-

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